Punkademics

Punkademics

The basement show in the ivory tower

Edited by Zack Furness

In the thirty years since Dick Hebdige published Subculture: The Meaning of Style,
the seemingly antithetical worlds of punk rock and academia have converged in
some rather interesting, if not peculiar, ways. A once marginal subculture
documented in homemade ‘zines and three chord songs has become fodder for
dozens of scholarly articles, books, PhD dissertations, and conversations
amongst well-mannered conference panelists. At the same time, the academic
ranks have been increasingly infiltrated by professors and graduate students
whose educations began not in the classroom, but in the lyric sheets of 7”
records and the cramped confines of all-ages shows.

Punkademics explores these varied intersections by giving voice to some of the
people who arguably best understand the odd bedfellows of punk and academia.
In addition to being one of the first edited collections of scholarly work on
punk, it is a timely book that features original essays, interviews, and select
reprints from notable writers, musicians, visual artists, and emerging talents who
actively cut & paste the boundaries between punk culture, politics, and higher
education.

“The worlds of punk and academia are deliberately dichotomous; the ‘cred’ of
the former become ‘certified credentials’ when you enter the latter. This
important exploration of the space between the two is weird, uncomfortable,
and fraught with mistakes. And we don’t give a fuck if you don’t like it.”

~ Anne Elizabeth Moore, author of Unmarketable: Brandalism, Copyfighting,
Mocketing and the Erosion of Integrity and former editor, Punk Planet

“Zack Furness and his nerdy bunch impressively reveal how the alternative
tentacles of youthful rebellion are infiltrating and disrupting the predictable
routines of the academy.”

— Craig O’Hara, author of The Philosophy of Punk: More than Noise

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Punkademics

e Basement Show in the Ivory Tower

Edited by Zack Furness
Minor Compositions 2012

Punkademics
Edited by Zack Furness
ISBN 978-1-57027-229-5

http://punkademics.com

Interior design by Margaret Killjoy
Cover design by Haduhi Szukis
Cover images by Rubén Ortiz-Torres & Haduhi Szukis

Released by Minor Compositions
Wivenhoe / Brooklyn / Port Watson
Minor Compositions is a series of interventions & provocations
drawing from autonomous politics, avant-garde aesthetics, and the
revolutions of everyday life.

Minor Compositions is an imprint of Autonomedia
www.minorcompositions.info | minorcompositions@gmail.com

Distributed by Autonomedia
PO Box 568 Williamsburgh Station
Brooklyn, NY 11211

www.autonomedia.org
info@autonomedia.org

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION: ATTEMPTED EDUCATION

AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS..............000005 5
‘CAUSE | WANNA BE... PHD?................ 25
TURNING POINT... 0.0.0.0. 00.00 ccc cece eee ene ee eens 27
PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY .............. 37
MILO WENT TO COLLEGE............. 000.0 cece eee 49
ON BECOMING A PUNK ROCK SOCIOLOGIST............. 57
FINDING BALANCE IN THE ACADEMY ................... 65
PUNK ROCK DOCS........... 0.0.00 cece eee eee eee 67
PUNK THEORY MIX TAPE, SIDE A........... 89
MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE ............. 00.000 cece eee 91
BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS
WHILST BRADFORD BURNED:..................0.. 105
GROWING UP CLICHED............ 00.0000 cece eee 125
PUNK PEDAGOGY:......0..0 000000 cece eee ee eee 131
HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL:............. 143
PUNK THEORY MIX TAPE, SIDEB........... 155
LAS ‘WHITE MINORITY: ........0... 00000 cee eee eee 157
THE INTERSECTIONS OF PUNK
AND QUEER IN THE 1970S.................00005- 179
MEXIPUNX ss, Si Sacrctetinnite fede usin mn bite aasele 187
PUNK PLACES:........0 0.00000 ccc cece eee eee eens 203
AFTERWORD:tic-) cag eee ee a ae ees 217

AUTHOR BIOS fie ces jade cede eee wae eee eee ol 225

ZACK FURNESS

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION
AND RIGHTEOUS
ACCUSATIONS:

AN INTRODUCTION TO
PUNKADEMICS

THE POSITION BEING TAKEN IS NOT TO BE MISTAKEN
FOR ATTEMPTED EDUCATION OR RIGHTEOUS
ACCUSATION.

-OPERATION IVY, “ROOM WITHOUT A WINDOW”

1 THINK THE moment at which I realized I was actually turning into a col-
lege professor was not on the first day I taught a class in 1999, but when I
was listening to an old Operation Ivy tape about a year later and found my-
self wanting to sit the band’s singer, Jesse Michaels, down to have a frank
discussion. Specifically, I wanted to ask him why, in a song written to both
illuminate the politics of ideology (“walls made of opinions through which
we speak and never listen”) and express the need for open-mindedness and
self-reflexivity, would he choose to intentionally denounce the educational
function of his lyrics from the outset? Not being a complete idiot nor un-
familiar with the band, I obviously realized that the song “Room Without
a Window” (quoted above) was penned by Michaels when he was in his
late teens, which is around the time when years of schooling and top-down
authority have unfortunately succeeded at the task of turning education
— or at least the compulsory, state-sanctioned version — into something

6 PUNKADEMICS

from which young people want to run; I imagine all the more so for the
sizeable number of kids in the late ‘80s East Bay (California) punk scene
whose parents, like Michaels's dad, were college professors. But whether
the lyric intentionally gestures in this direction or is self-consciously ironic
is hardly the issue. Indeed, even if the first line just sounded cool when he
wrote it, the point here is that I wasn’t singing along, tapping out the beat
(as ex-drummers are annoyingly prone to do), or even just engaging in the
kind of run-of-the-mill lyrical analysis that has been the bread and butter
for both punk fanzine writers and music journalists for over three decades.
Rather, it’s that I was busy concocting some bizarre scenario in my head
that, if allowed to play out in real life, would have undoubtedly translated
into the world’s most boring and pedantic conversation with one of my
punk heroes.

As if it didn’t feel weird enough to catch myself pursuing this rather
strange line of hypothetical inquiry at the breakfast table one morning,
the sensation was heightened when I also realized, perhaps for the first
time, that my own internal monologue was now being structured around
concepts and jargon from my graduate seminars. Since when, I thought
to myself, did I start to throw around — let alone think with — phrases like
“illuminate the politics of ideology”? Was I becoming the kind of person
who ends up nonchalantly remarking upon the “narrative tensions” in a
Jawbreaker song? Or using the word oeuvre to describe Bad Brains’s dis-
cography? Was I heading down a path where I would eventually not even
be able to go for a bike ride without theorizing it?! Just then, as ifthe uni-
verse wanted to accent the point in as cartoonish a manner as possible, I
narrowly avoided stumbling over my cat while rising from the table, and
I managed to spill half a mug of coffee onto the stack of student papers I
had been grading. Muttering to one’s self? Check. Coffee stained papers?
Check. Analyzing one’s music collection through the lenses of critical
pedagogy and rhetorical theory? Check. Shabby outfit? Certainly. Di-
sheveled hair and off kilter eyeglasses? Indeed. Exhibiting behaviors that
one might objectively identify as ‘wacky’ or ‘nutty’? Check.

It was official. All I needed now, I thought to myself, was the kind of
jacket where the patches are sewn nicely onto the elbows instead of silk
screened and stitched across the back with dental floss.

ELBOW PATCHES AND BACK PATCHES

Twelve years later I still don’t have one of those professorial tweed
jackets, though I did manage to attain the job, the eccentricities, and the
shock of salt-and-pepper hair that would compliment one quite nicely.

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 7

And despite my initial anxieties over the prospects of compromising my
then-entrenched punk ethics by turning into a stuffy academic, I actually
ended up spending more time playing in bands and participating in vari-
ous aspects of DIY punk culture as a graduate student and eventual pro-
fessor than I did when I was younger. While far from seamless, I’ve often
seen the relationship between these two ‘worlds’ as dialectical, though at
first this mainly consisted of scrutinizing every new set of readings and
concepts I learned in school through my own increasingly politicized
worldview: a punk subjectivity that I fancied as something of a “bullshit
detector.” But fairly quickly, though, my immersion in critical theory,
cultural studies, feminism and political theory started to help me hold up
a mirror to sub-/countercultural politics and to generally unpack some of
the bullshit that is often embedded within our own bullshit detectors, as
it were. Part of what facilitated this process, aside from personal experi-
ence and the guidance of some older friends, was getting exposed to the
broader gamut of political punk and hardcore and to the range of writ-
ers, teachers, artists and activists who, in publications like Bad Subjects,
Punk Planet, Maximumrocknroll (MRR), Clamor and Stay Free!, not only
connected many of the issues and concerns I'd previously encountered
within different spheres, they also complicated and problematized (in
the good way) a lot of my taken for granted assumptions about punk
and the proliferation of ideas in general. It was through these channels —
DIY punk and DIY publishing — as opposed to the classroom, that the
relationships between politics, popular culture, education, and everyday
life first started to make sense to me.

As crucial as the composition of these ingredients was to my own
development and positionality as a teacher, writer and ‘musician’ (a term
I use very loosely), I am hardly the first person to test out the recipe and
I'm certainly not one of the best cooks. Indeed, my real interest in punk/
academic border transgressions was not borne of my own maneuverings,
but from learning about and meeting punk musicians who had dual ca-
reers as professional nerds (I use the term lovingly; it is my job descrip-
tion after all) and reading sophisticated work from writers who seemed
as equally sure footed in zine columns and basement shows as they did in
a theory heavy journal publications, political organizing committees, or
in front of podiums lecturing to graduate students at prestigious research
universities. In addition to being generally interested in what other peo-
ple have done (or aspired to do) with the kinds of energies, knowledges
and tensions generated through their involvement with, or their reflec-
tions upon, both punk music and culture, I had a personal interest in
wanting to meet more of these folks and to pick their brain about their

8 PUNKADEMICS

paths toward careers as nerdy rockers or punk professors (given that ei-
ther one sounded ideal to me). I was also intensely curious about the
ways in which people reconciled their interests and understood the dy-
namics between two very different ‘scenes.’ I wanted to hear what other
people had to say about scholarship on punk, or their relationships to
band mates and fans (if applicable). And broadly speaking, I wanted to
know what kind of sense people made of their punk/academic situation;
whether it was something they analyzed, disparaged, incorporated into
their work, trumpeted, or simply took in stride. What kind of stories did
they have? What kinds of insights about punk and teaching have they
drawn from their experiences or analyses?

Unlike the prospects of time traveling to an Operation Ivy show in
1990, the possibilities for actually starting some conversations around
these topics was quite real, and a few years ago I started the process with
the aim of garnering essays for the book you are now reading. I asked
people to contribute work that was either about punk specifically, or the
intersections between punk and higher education, whether in the form
of biographical pieces or chapters devoted to teaching and pedagogy. To
keep things simple, I took the approach that punks of yore utilized when
contacting bands they liked: sending letters. My interest was less in nos-
talgia (they were e-mails, after all) than in making contact with people
whose work I admired and otherwise beginning what would become a
long experiment. That is to say, part of my reason for doing the book
was because, first and foremost, I wanted to see if it was possible. While
I had long been attuned to the fact that there were some professors and
many more graduate students who, like me (circa 2005, when I hatched
the idea for this book), simultaneously played in bands while they taught
classes and worked on their degrees, I often wondered about whether
there are a lot of “us” out there. By “us” I mean punkademics, or the pro-
fessors, graduate students, and other PhDs who, in some meaningful or
substantive way, either once straddled or continue to bridge the worlds of
punk and academia through their own personal experiences, their schol-
arship, or some combination thereof.

Part of the experiment was also to see if I could do the book without
resorting to the preferred method that academics use to solicit contribu-
tions for an edited volume. This typically entails circulating an official
“Call for Papers’ online, waiting for abstracts to trickle in, then sending
out acceptance and rejection notices, and eventually waiting for the first
drafts of essays to be submitted. Given the formalities and relative ste-
tility of the whole process, it seemed much more organic (for lack of a
less abused, greenwashed term) to try and find prospective contributors

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 9

by simply asking my initial list of contacts for the names of friends, or
other suggestions for people to look up. In addition to my desire to keep
things on a personal level, it also dawned on me quite early in planning
the book that there was simply no other way to do it. That is to say, I
realized that any official announcement aimed at soliciting contributors
would not only have to include the obligatory list of suggested topics or
questions for authors to address (which I had ready to go), it would also
have to delineate some sort of criteria for the authors themselves, given
the core premise of the book. Well, establishing that someone is a profes-
sor or PhD student is fairly straightforward, but what exactly was I going
to do, ask people to send me an abstract and a punk résum@ Aside from
all the vexing questions it immediately raises about what punk is, what it
means to de punk, what the objective qualities of ‘punk-ness’ might be,
and so on, I couldn't imagine anything more obnoxious than the idea
of asking people, even tacitly, to basically ‘prove’ that they were or are
punks — let alone the awkwardness of someone having to actually write it
up, or me having to read it. What the hell would that look like anyway?
And more to the logistical point, how does one articulate that in a call
for papers? Something like:

Along with your abstract and an updated copy of your CV,

please provide evidence of past or present punk affiliations.

Acceptable forms of documentation may include, but are

not limited to, any one or more of the following:

¢ LP or 7-inch with legible recording credits on the insert
(colored vinyl is a plus).

* Copies of your print fanzine.

¢ Notarized letter from a known punk who can vouch for
your scene ‘cred.’

¢ Receipts for at least two previous years of annual sub-
scriptions to Maximumrockandroll, Punk Planet, Heartat-
taCk or Profane Existence (PDF or low-res JPG files).

¢ Photos of you doing punk things (i.e. dumpstering baked
goods, swimming drunk in an urban river) or simply be-
ing punk (ite. sporting a sleeveless Nausea t-shirt, a nasty
dreadhawk, and a dog on a rope).’

While in hindsight this approach may have actually yielded some
fairly spectacular results, I was fortunately able to avoid such potentially
unforgivable transgressions with help from this book’s authors and an
ad hoc network of punkademics that, at times, I seemed to connect or

10 PUNKADEMICS

expand through the very process of seeking it out. While I have no em-
pirical data regarding the actual size and scope of this disparate popula-
tion, I can confidently speak to one of my initial curiosities underlying
this project by noting that there are, in fact, many punkademics out
there: far more than I could ever hope to accommodate in a single book,
even if given the opportunity to do so.

So what is one to make of this collection, its shamelessly punning
section headings, and the punk-centric assortment of essays, people, and
ideas in the pages that follow? Simply put, why Punkademics? Well, de-
spite the admittedly experimental nature of this collection, there are in
fact a number of carefully formulated reasons as to why this collection
was assembled and, I can only hope, a few contributions it might make
to the ways in which we understand the cultural, political and aesthetic
dimensions of both punk music and culture, academia, and the appar-
ently fertile ground in between. I want to walk through some of them
here briefly, as a way to provide additional context for this project and to
introduce some of the specific themes with which the book is engaged.

PUNK DISCOURSES

Punk is neither a homogenous ‘thing’ nor is it reducible to a specific
time, location, sound or a select number of vinyl records and live per-
formances. Its various meanings, as any self-respecting punk knows all
too well, are subject to wild fluctuation and widespread debate.* One
might say that it’s because punk shapes — and is also shaped by — specific
kinds of question askers, music makers, thought provokers, organizers,
shit talkers, writers, artists, and teachers. At their best, the combinations
of people, places, cultural practices, social relationships, art and ideas
that co-constitute punk are rife with possibilities: creating new kinds
of music or reveling in the ecstatic moments at the best shows; forg-
ing bonds of group solidarity and personal identity; carving out non-
commercial spaces for free expression and the staking out of positions;
and pushing people toward a participatory, ‘bottom up’ view of culture.
Through the often conflicting accounts and histories of punk, one can
identify the ebb and flow of countless scenes, interwoven subcultures,
and a broader ‘Do it Yourself? (DIY) counterculture in which people put
ethical and political ideas into practice by using music and other modes
of cultural production/expression to highlight both the frustrations and
banalities of everyday life, as well as the ideas and institutions that need
to be battled if there is any hope of living in a less oppressive world. And
crucially, people have a lot of fun doing it. Those lucky enough to have

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS "1

experienced some of what I’ve just sketched out know what it feels like to
sense that punk really can create something new in the shell of the old, to
poach a phrase from the Wobblies.

At its worst, punk can be and has been a fashion show, a cultural
ghetto, a minor league circuit for corporate entertainers, a merchan-
dise peddling aggregate of aspiring capitalist hustlers, and a constella-
tion of practices that perpetuate varying degrees of machismo, sexism,
homophobia, white privilege, classism, hyper-individualism, anti-intel-
lectualism, passive conformity, and at times, both conservative religious
dogma and racist nationalism. And like the worst trends to emerge under
the banner of cultural studies — the academic field in which I work —
punk’s incarnates have similarly been known to promote sloppy politics
while championing ‘resistance’ in all of its self-styled affairs, regardless
of whether such gestures (or fanciful arrangements of clothing, tattoos
or words) bear a resemblance to anything like substantive political ac-
tion, meaningful community engagement, or tangible social change. In
this guise, ‘resistance’, ‘rebellion’, and of course, ‘revolution’, become just
another set of buzzwords chirped in slogans, animated in bad songs and
contrived writing, and emblazoned on t-shirts without a hint of Billy
Brage’s sharp wit: “So join the struggle while you may, the revolution is
just a t-shirt away.”

The various prospects and pitfalls associated with punk (I include
hardcore in this designation throughout unless noted otherwise) are con-
stant reminders that the stories we tell about it are always being folded
into converging and often competing discourses about what punk really
means, what it does or doesn’t do, and why it is or isn’t culturally signifi-
cant, politically relevant, and so on. As both an academic and someone
who spent roughly thirteen years drifting in and out of the punk scene
(admittedly more ‘out’ in recent years), I’m invested in both the kinds
of stories that get told about punk as well as the manner in they are put
to work, as it were. Therefore, I think it is important to note from the
outset that my interest in assembling Punkademics is neither to tell the
grand story of punk (an impossibly arrogant and pointless task) nor to
produce the scholarly cipher through which all of punk’s secret mean-
ings can be decrypted. Academics should not be seen as the authoritative
voices capable of explaining punk to the masses, and I have no interest
in presenting them as such. In fact, I have always been rather conflicted
about how punk music and DIY punk culture get taken up by academics
in the first place.

As a teacher, I tend to see punk — like all other cultural phenomena
— as a messy but nonetheless fascinating cluster of things that can be

12 PUNKADEMICS

analyzed, dissected and debated. Depending on the specific course, I’ve
incorporated aspects of punk in my lesson plans to talk about everything
from the underground press and the political economy of the media in-
dustry, to the role that punk music — like hip hop — plays in cultivating
meaningful narratives about “the city” and the importance of space and
place in everyday life.° And quite frequently, punk comes in handy when
I need to give concrete examples to illustrate or clarify what certain social
and cultural theorists mean when they throw around phrases like cultural
production, articulation, hegemony, resistance, commodification, cooptation,
and of course, subculture. In addition to being pedagogically useful, I
also get a certain degree of satisfaction in knowing that members of the
bands I discuss in class would be alternatively delighted or mortified by
the idea.

However, my level of comfort with the melding of punk and aca-
demia decreases quite rapidly when punk becomes an object of study
unto itself. As Roger Sabin notes in his introduction to Punk Rock, So
What?, one of the main problems with scholarship on punk is the over-
reliance on unquestioned assumptions about punk itself and, overall, the
“narrowness of the frame of reference.” Along with what he describes
as the “pressures to romanticize,” Sabin suggests that the impulses and
trends in punk scholarship foster the development of certain kind of
“orthodoxy” that structures what it is possible to say, or most likely not
say, about punk’s history, its conjunctures with other ideas and artis-
tic practices, and, I would add, its current formations, and its possible
future(s).” Like many of the LP records that fit squarely and safely within
the parameters of a punk’s splintered subgenres, a number of the books
and essays that fall under the umbrella of this ‘orthodoxy’ have their
distinct merits.’ Nevertheless, his point about the constrictive qualities
of scholarship on punk is well taken and, broadly speaking, rather un-
derstated.? Because while there are plenty of exceptions (including excel-
lent work published by this book’s contributors), a significant amount of
academic writing, conference presentations and the like are authored by
people who — despite being fans of punk music and passionate about the
topic — seem to have limited knowledge of punk music and DIY culture,
and a level of engagement with punk scenes that is more akin to casual
tourism than active participation. Nevertheless, this doesn’t stop people
from feeling entitled to make assumptions, lodge critiques, and draw
conclusions based on what, more or less, amounts to an analysis of punk
‘texts.’ To be sure, there are a variety of things that broadcast this kind of
work. Barring some notable exemptions, the telltale signs may include,
but are certainly not limited to, any or all of the following features:

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 13

No interviews conducted with actual punks.

No ethnographic research done at any of the places where punks
live, make music, work, play and see shows, hang out, ride bikes,
get drunk, guzzle coffee, play kickball, raise a ruckus, stage pro-
tests, volunteer, cook food, and so on.

Little attention paid to punk scenes that fall outside the osten-
sibly holy quadrangle of New York — London — Los Angeles —
Washington DC, despite the fact that in recent decades DIY
punk and hardcore scenes have thrived in smaller, so-called
second — or third-tier cities like Berkeley (CA), Asheville (NC),
Portland (OR), Minneapolis (MN), Olympia (WA), Pittsburgh
(PA), Bloomington (IN), Louisville (KY), Gainesville (FLA) and
Richmond (VA), and this is just to name a few places in the US
alone.'°

Relatively little engagement with the vast amount of literature
written by and about punks, whether in the form of zines, pub-
lished essays, books, magazine columns, LP liner notes, blogs and
so on.

The use of definite articles in places where they don’t belong, as
in “the Dillinger Four” instead of Dillinger Four, or “the Green
Day band.” Trivial? Absolutely. But it is the kind of mistake that
a punk is not likely to make and thus suggests the likelihood of
other mistakes, or a general lack of knowledge about the subject
matter.'' And moreover, it conveys an awkwardness on par with
John McCain’s reference to using “a Google,” whilst ironically at-
tempting to demonstrate his Internet savvy to US voters prior to
the 2008 presidential election.

An almost obsessive fascination with the Sex Pistols and Malcolm
McLaren.”

An obsessive fascination with the Sex Pistols and Malcolm
McLaren."

Any sustained, serious theoretical analysis of “moshing” or “slam
dancing.”

Less space devoted to discussing what punks do, what they
think, and why it matters, than the amount of space reserved
for debating whether to call them a “subculture,” a “post-subcul-
ture,” a “youth culture,” a “postmodern tribe,” or a “neo-tribe.”
There are, in fact, many terms that are actively contested and
discussed by punks: debates over what counts as ‘punk’, or what
it means to de ‘punk’, are classic (if not exhausting) examples.
But the merits of sociological/cultural studies nomenclature are

14 PUNKADEMICS

not part of the equation. To wit, the following exchange will
never take place:

“Hey Zack, what are you doing this weekend?”
“Well, ’m busy on Friday, but on Saturday

night I’m going to participate in a vigorous rock

and roll performance with members of my cultural

neo-tribe.”

10. The conflation of punk with 100% pure authentic resistance to
the culture industry/mainstream/system, or conversely, as 100%
pure inauthentic commodified dissent in service of the culture
industry/mainstream/system.

I recognize, of course, that this (partly tongue-in-cheek) assessment
may sound like the expression of someone who is too emotionally in-
vested in his subject matter, or perhaps too ensnarled in punks’ own pre-
occupations with boundary-making and authenticity (“no outsider could
ever know what it’s really like,” etc.) to make clear-headed judgments
about scholarship, let alone the researchers responsible for producing it.
It’s certainly possible.

My position, however, is not based on some naive desire to preserve
the sacredness of punk (Hot Topic put the final, pyramid-studded nail
in that coffin years ago), nor do I think that people who are totally im-
mersed in their activities or communities are necessarily in the best posi-
tion to speak thoughtfully about their endeavors, or to critically reflect
on the social or political significance of them; sometimes the exact op-
posite is true. Rather, my perspective is based upon what I see as a rela-
tively uncontroversial point: whether due to shoddy research, distance
from the punk scene, or harmless excitement for a topic tackled earnestly
though wrong-headedly, the bottom line is that most academics simply
miss the mark when it comes to punk music and culture. It would seem
that I am good company on this point, even amongst fellow academ-
ics. John Charles Goshert, for example, argues that academic studies
“tend toward the uninformed, if not careless, homogenizing of styles,
personalities, and locales under the name ‘punk.””'® David Muggleton
expresses similar anxieties over the academicization of punk when, in the
introduction to his own book, he describes his first encounter with Dick
Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style: “I fought my way through...
and was left feeling that it had absolutely nothing to say about my life as
Thad once experienced it... The ‘probleny lay not in myself and my failure

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 15

to recognize what had ostensibly been the reality of my situation, but in
the way the book appropriated its subject matter.”!”

Here’s the rub, though: appropriation is always a matter of per-
spective. As a case in point, when Muggleton organized the No Future?
Punk 2001 conference at the University of Wolverhampton ten years
ago, it brought a wide range of academics and cultural critics together
with some high profile punk speakers who weren't shy about airing their
grievances when interviewed by the press. The ever-cantankerous writer/
artist/author, Stewart Home, stated, “I think punk is hyped up as an
ongoing cultural force by people who are nostalgic for their youth.”"®
Jordan (aka. Pamela Rooke), who was the former assistant at Vivienne
Westwood’s famed London SEX shop and one of the people who pio-
neered. punk aesthetics/style, remarked that “the academic world reads
more into punk than there probably was.”'? And most pointedly, Penny
Rimbaud, a poet and the drummer for the now legendary anarcho-punk
band, Crass, exclaimed: “It irritated me beyond belief...academics sit-
ting round talking about something so anti-academic. It’s as absurd as
the Hayward Gallery putting on a show of dada art.””°

Part of the reason I juxtapose these quotes and also call attention to
the No Future conference is because at the same time I think academics
should take criticism of their work seriously — particularly when its gen-
erated by human beings who unwittingly serve as their ‘objects’ of study
— the notion of drawing a proverbial line in the sand between ‘the punx’
and ‘the ivory tower’ based on whether one’s work is properly “academic”
is somewhat amusing, especially if one has ever been privy to a conversa-
tion between collectors of obscure punk and hardcore records (musicol-
ogy by other means, if there ever was such a thing), and even more so if
one considers either Home’s specific background as a historian of highly
theoretical, avant-garde art movements or Rimbaud’s own proclamation
— leaving aside the militant seriousness with which Crass approached
both politics as well as its aesthetic presentation of politics — that even his
notion of fun has “always been more cerebral and intellectual.”?! There
are, of course, completely legitimate reasons why punks should be radi-
cally skeptical about the ways their music, ideas and cultural practices are
documented by representatives of institutions (colleges & universities)
that are, by design, the antithesis of DIY. But in general, staking one’s
claim on the grounds that punk is inherently “anti-academic” isn’t to
state an uncontested fact; it is rhetorical move that, in part, allows punks
to avoid dealing with thorny questions or critiques raised by outsiders
(some of whom, it is true, may be utterly clueless), just as it simultane-
ously reinforces academics’ tendencies to chalk up hostile critiques of

16 PUNKADEMICS

their work (some lodged by people who may adso be utterly clueless) to
anti-intellectualism as opposed to taking them seriously. But more to the
point, the perpetual debate over whether its acceptable to ‘intellectualize’
(the offense of academics) punk is a moot point: professors, music jour-
nalists and punks themselves have been doing it for well over thirty years.
While I have no doubt that the No Future conference, like any other
event worthy of the designation, probably featured some obnoxious pan-
el titles, a great many jargon-laced presentations, and more than a few
cringe-worthy comments, the fact is that there were actually a number of
people in attendance — including at least two of the contributors to this
book — who had been playing in punk bands, living in punk squats, and
being involved in local DIY music scenes years before they ever wore the
unlikely moniker of Professor. Along with a few of their fellow “punka-
demics” — a term that, unbeknownst to me, was not only thrown around
during the UK conference but also used by punk-turned-professor, Greta
Snider (San Francisco State University), in a piece she wrote for Maxi-
mumrocknroll in 1995 — both Alastair “Gords” Gordon and Helen Red-
dington (aka. Helen McCookerybook) have used their unique insights to
challenge existing academic work on punk while fostering a broader reas-
sessment of punk history and culture that has relevance far beyond the
porous borders of the university. Indeed, Reddington cuts to the core of
some of the key issues at stake when it comes to research on punk. In an
essay that previews the material she would later develop in the book, The
Lost Women of Rock Music: Female Musicians of the Punk Era, she writes:

“There is perhaps no better example of male hegemonic
control over popular cultural history than the rewrite of
punk to exclude the very large and productive presence of
young women in the subculture from its very beginning
[...] The collective memory of punk recalls young men as
spitting, spiky yobs with the occasional nod in the direc-
tion of political commitment (until the obligatory signing
ceremony with the major label), and young women as
fishnet-clad dominatrixes [...] From the writings of aca-
demics to the reports of the tabloid press, there is a whole
history missing from accounts of punk during this period in

Britain.”””

Whether it’s the excising of women, people of color, and gay/queer-
identified folks from punk history or, conversely, the way that punks
have used film as a medium to re-write that history and re-think punk’s

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 17

dominant narratives, the process of documentation and analysis (not to
mention debate) plays a discernable role in shaping how people under-
stand what punk is, whom it is for, and why it is important.?? Max Ward,
a veteran hardcore musician as well as the founder/proprietor of 625
Thrashcore Records and current Assistant Professor of History at Middle-
bury College, makes this point succinctly: “punk has a culture, and that

culture is defined by how we try to remember our ‘past.’”4

STORIES MATTER

Put simply, the stories we tell about punk matter. In the greater
scheme of things, there is clearly much less at stake in the narration of
punk than there is, for example, in the stories told about immigration,
Indigenous land claims, prisons, or the philosophical and economic un-
derpinnings of Neoliberalism. Nevertheless, they matter. Part of the rea-
son why is because, like the stories told about other cultural practices and
art forms, the relevant work on punk affects the ways we understand its
specific histories, its present formations, and its possible future(s). Con-
sequently, when the complexities and nuances of punk music, aesthetics
and identities are ignored in lieu of sweeping claims and a reliance on
problematic assumptions, this has a significant bearing on the ways in
which people conceptualize, interpret and draw conclusions about the
‘politics of punk’, youth subcultures, and perhaps the social functions
of art and music, as well. The concern here is thus not only the fidelity
of the narratives — as in whether the accounts (of bands, scenes, events,
etc.) are accurate and truthful — it is also a matter of who gets to speak for
whom: whose stories are told and whose are silenced, and perhaps most
importantly, who gets to shape public knowledge(s) that inform the ways
in which we collectively remember people, events, institutions, ideas,
cultural practices and cultural history. In addition, this body of knowl-
edge is never only about punk in the first place: in academic research
alone one finds discussions of punk situated within larger conversations
about the music industry, the changing social status of ‘youth’ in the late
20° Century, the formation of identity, the nature of consumption, and
the contentious dynamics of class, race, gender, sexuality and religion
that are part of punks’ everyday relationships and also addressed within
their own songs, musings, dialogues and debates.

My point here is that the story and mythology of punk get reified
over the years as much in academic writing as elsewhere. And it is not
just dedicated books and peer-reviewed articles that do this kind of cul-
tural work; it is also the hundreds of casual references that academics

18 PUNKADEMICS

make to punk (for example in books on the 1970s or the Reagan Era)
that simultaneously support the dominant narratives and constrain the
possibilities of analyzing it without the compulsion to either validate
its heroes or delineate its pure moment of inception.” Because what
gets missed, for instance, in the habitual focus on punk’s origins, its
shining stars, its hottest locations, and its most obvious but nonethe-
less vital contributions — such as punks’ amplification (with all that the
term implies) of independent music and art — are the everyday practices,
processes, struggles, ruptures and people that make it so interesting in the
first place.

Like the work produced from music journalists, cultural critics, and
punks themselves, academic scholarship plays a distinct role in both the
cultivation and reproduction of knowledge about punk. While some of
this work is admittedly fraught with problems, academics — or, rath-
er, punkademics — have also done some of the best work at rethinking
punk history, re-conceptualizing its present dynamics, taking issue with
dominant scholarly readings of punk politics and punk scenes, and also
expanding the parameters of research itself. While much of this research
remains cloistered in academic journals and restricted access university
libraries, a number of these stories — as well as the storytellers themselves
— are widely read and have had an impact on both the ways in which
punk is interpreted and the ways that punks see themselves. Notably,
this has taken place both from within and outside of The Scene by people
who have poked and prodded at the social significance of punk and DIY
culture through a variety of different print and digital formats (some-
times concurrently). While by no means comprehensive, this book is a
contribution to that broader effort.

UP THE NERDS!

One of my primary goals with Punkademics is to encourage a marked
shift away from the punk-as-style paradigm that has become so com-
monplace in the wake of Dick Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style
but also from a number of the binary oppositions scholars have used
to reduce ‘punk into a static, singular thing that can be mapped along
an axis of success vs. failure, resistance vs. recuperation, authenticity vs.
inauthenticity, and so on. Instead of producing another series of instru-
mental readings of punk that are strictly concerned with what it ulti-
mately does or does not do, or what it definitively means or doesn’t mean
at one specific moment, or within the confines of one specific scene or
musical recording, ’m more inclined to think about what possibilities

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 19

emerge within and through it. Scholarship on punk has sometimes
pointed in this direction, though it’s typically focused on which kinds of
musical and stylistic hybrids become imaginable or possible through the
production of punk music and culture, or somewhat differently, which
aesthetic and artistic trends are rendered most visible in punk’s history
or that of its precursors. While I am interested in these linkages and the
kind of work that, for example, contributors to the book Punk Rock,
So What? take pains to highlight, I have always been much more curi-
ous about the kinds of subjectivities, people and communities that become
imaginable or possible — or perhaps even probable — through DIY punk,
ice. the “vectors of punk that strive to escape models of production and
consumption otherwise omnipresent in the entertainment industry.””

A fruitful way to approach these interrelationships, as I’ve tried to
demonstrate with this very book, is to consider some of the ways that
punk maps onto or even organizes certain constellations of cultural
practice, artistic expression, ethics, and notions of community. But cru-
cially, I think this begins by reframing punk as an object of study and
asking some rather different questions about peoples’ relationship to it.
Through a combination of essays, interviews, biographical sketches, and
artwork, one of the aims of this collection is to do this by way of example
as opposed to merely stacking critique on top of critique. While not
without its own limitations, Punkademics tries to offer more nuanced
perspectives on various aspects of punk and hardcore — and in particular
DIY punk music and culture — that stem from contributors’ academic
backgrounds as well as their collective participation within and experi-
ence of punk scenes.

But of equal importance is the attention focused in the opposite direc-
tion, which is back at the university, the classroom, and both the norms
and ethics that get embedded into higher education. Given the fact that
little research has been done about where punks end up or what their
career paths and adventures (as well as struggles and failures) might tell
us about punk or why it matters, this book offers some tangible examples
that speak to these concerns, inasmuch as colleges and universities func-
tion as some of the places where people with ‘punk’ values can ostensibly
thrive, or more accurately, where they can potentially put their ethics and
ideas into practice; though not without great effort, considerable fric-
tion, and at times, complete train wrecks.”” The idea behind Punkademics
is thus not only to offer some different perspectives on punk, broadly
speaking, but to also tell some entirely distinct stories about academics
and punks themselves, and how their priorities and passions get recon-
figured by and through their experiences as theorists, artists, activists,

20 PUNKADEMICS

educators and misfits working amidst the often tumultuous landscape of
the modern university/edufactory.

1, 2, 3, 4, Go!

NOTES

1 See Zack Furness, One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility
(Temple University Press, 2010).

2 Credit for the last line goes to the esteemed Willie Stein. (Sorry to disap-
point you, Willie).

3 Any terms used to label specific assemblages of punks and/or punk
practices are necessarily inadequate and bound to raise more issues than
they resolve. Consequently, I use the terms ‘punk culture’, ‘DIY punk
culture’, and ‘DIY punk scene’ interchangeably not out of laziness but
because they are simply different ways of talking about the same clus-
ters of non-corporate practices, independent institutions, and politi-
cized people, however resistant to classification some of them might be.
My primary reliance on ‘culture’ instead of ‘subculture’ is, however, de-
liberate because I don’t think the term ‘subculture’ can encompass both
the punk practices as well as entire “way of life” that is sometimes culti-
vated around and through punk. Like the term ‘counterculture’, which
I specifically use to designate self-consciously political/politicized cul-
tural formations, I used the term subculture where it’s appropriate.
Longtime zine writer and punk drummer Aaron Cometbus makes a
nice point about the inaccuracy of labels as a point of pride: “T like that
about punk and fanzines—that it’s a community that’s very ill-defined.
As much as 90% of what we talk about is defining it, and still it’s very
ill-defined.” In “Interview with Aaron Cometbus,” Maximumrocknroll,
no. 200 (2000). For more on defining and naming punks and/or punk
practices, see: Alan O’Connor, Punk Record Labels and the Struggle for
Autonomy: The Emergence of Diy (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2008), p.
3; Alan O’Connor “Local Scenes and Dangerous Crossroads: Punk and
Theories of Cultural Hybridity,” Popular Music, Vol. 21, No. 2 (2002):
226.

4 Billy Bragg, “Waiting for the Great Leap Forward,” Workers Playtime
(Elektra, 1988), LP.

5 On the relationships between urban space and punk, see my discussion
of ‘DIY Bike Culture’ in One Less Car, Chapter 6. On the dialectical spa-
tialities of hip-hop, see Rashad Shabazz, “Hip-hop and the Black Geo-
graphical Imagination,” a talk delivered at Marlboro College, October
13, 2009. Online at http://youtu.be/AJ4Ne-wbxDw

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 21

Roger Sabin, “Introduction,” Punk Rock: So What?, p. 2.

Ibid.

For example, a book like Subculture: The Meaning of Style is often read
against, if not held causally responsible for, the tidal wave of shoddy
style-as-resistance themed critiques that followed its publication in 1979,
and consequently, some of the more complex relationships that Hebdige
actually does acknowledge between socioeconomic class, music, ideology
and, yes, style receive the short shrift. His argument is problematic in
a variety of ways, but certainly not on par with much of the work that
reduces his analysis to a close reading of people’s outfits; all the more so
when one carefully reads his discussion of the twinned process of ideo-
logical and commodity ‘recuperation’ —a concept best defined by the
Clash, or perhaps Crass (who used the slogan to critique the Clash),
as “turning rebellion into money’—on pages 92-99, under the section
heading “Two forms of incorporation.”

In fact, one of the ironies regarding Sabin’s book—aside from leading off
with an essay on the Sex Pistols just pages after asking rhetorically, in his
introduction, “how many more times must we hear the Sex Pistols story?’ —
is that despite the quality of the essays and the authors’ successful effort
to demonstrate that “punk was not an isolated, bounded phenomenon,
but had an extensive impact on a variety of cultural and political fields,”
the book is simultaneously a reminder of some additional trappings that
one could also attribute to the ‘orthodoxy’ structuring analyses of punk,
such as methodological approaches based almost exclusively on textual
analysis (no ethnographies, for example) and a perpetual overemphasis
on both British punk and the years 1976-1979.

For an excellent corrective to this trend, see George Hurchalla, Going
Underground: American Punk 1979-1992 (Stuart, FL: Zuo Press, 2005).
Neil Nehring, “The Situationist International in American Hardcore
Punk, 1982-2002,” Popular Music and Society, Vol. 29, No. 5 (2006):
524; Lisa M. Chuang & John P. Hart, “Suburban American Punks and
the Musical Rhetoric of Green Day’s “Jesus of Suburbia’,” Communica-
tion Studies, Vol. 59, No. 3, (2008): 183-201. Aside from the triviality of
calling the band “the Dillinger Four,” Nehring suggests that their sound
“fairly distinctively crosses classic punk with sub-genres such as speed-
core.” First, ‘speedcore’ is a genre of electronic music (not punk) and,
second, no punks have ever used this term to describe punk music, un-
less it was a joking reference to an all-tweaker (meth addict) rock-n-roll
band haunting some dive bar on the outskirts of Portland, OR. These are
among the smallest errors in an essay that largely misunderstands punk
as well as its connections to situationist politics. Finally, I also found it

22

PUNKADEMICS

somewhat odd that in Nehring’s attempt to find evidence of D4’s situa-
tionist-inspired political and/or artistic critiques, he fails to mention the
fact that Paddy — who is shirtless if not naked at every D4 show and in
most pictures of the band — has the phrase HOW MUCH ART CAN
YOU TAKE? tattooed across his entire chest. It doesn’t get much clearer
than that.

There are many examples from which to choose, including the fol-
lowing: Ruth Adams, “The Englishness of English Punk: Sex Pistols,
Subcultures, and Nostalgia,” Popular Music & Society, Vol. 31, No. 4
(2008): 469-488; Sean Albiez, “Know History!: John Lydon, Cultural
Capital and the Prog/Punk Dialectic, Popular Music, Vol. 22, No. 3
(2003): 357-374; Pete Lentini, “Punk’s Origins: Anglo-American
Syncretism,” Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2 (2003):
153-174; Geoffrey Sirc, “Never Mind the Tagmemics, Where's the
Sex Pistols?” College Composition and Communication, Vol. 48, No.
1 (1997): 9-29; Karen Pinkus, “Self-Representation in Futurism and
Punk,” South Central Review, Vol. 13, No. 2/3 (1996): 180-193; Neil
Nehring, “Revolt into Style: Graham Greene Meets the Sex Pistols,”
PMLA, Vol. 106, No. 2 (1991): 222-237.

Greil Marcus, Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989). Also see Jon Savage, The
Englands Dreaming Tapes (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
2010), and especially Jon Savage, Englands Dreaming: Anarchy, Sex Pis-
tols, Punk Rock, and Beyond (New York, Macmillan, 2001).

For example, see William Tsitsos, “Rules of Rebellion: Slamdancing,
Moshing, and the American Alternative Scene, Popular Music, Vol. 18,
No. 3 (Oct., 1999): 397-414; Bradford Scott Simon, “Entering the Pit:
Slam-Dancing and Modernity,” The Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 31,
No. 1 (1997): 149-176; Leslie Roman, “Intimacy, Labor, and Class: Ide-
ologies of Feminine Sexuality in the Punk Slam Dance,” in (eds.) Linda
K. Christian-Smith and Leslie Roman, Becoming Feminine: The Politics of
Popular Culture, (New York and Philadelphia: The Falmer Press, 1988),
pp. 143-84. With all due and sincere respect to punkademics who have
jumped, or rather moshed, their way into this analytic fray (particularly
Prof. Tsitsos, who plays in bands and runs a DIY label), I would argue
first and foremost for a thorough re-assessment of the problematic. In-
deed, the set of kinetic practices under question (moshing, slam-dancing)
are not physical performances as much as enigmatic expressions of latent
potentialities/possibilities that simply transcend the boundaries of theo-
ry’s utility. The ‘wall of death’, for example, is admittedly a fascinating
spatio-corporeal phenomenon, if not an elegant, ludic/haptic realization

ATTEMPTED EDUCATION AND RIGHTEOUS ACCUSATIONS 23

of what Henri Lefebve calls a moment: “the attempt to achieve the total
realization of a possibility” (Critique of Everyday Life, Vol I, p. 348). But
it is nonetheless an eruption of such primal force that, when bounded
by the homoerotically charged protocols governing ‘the pit’, becomes
wholly resistant to classification and can thus only empty the words used
in such vain explanatory efforts from the very meanings which they are
employed to signify. Only in its more practical applications elsewhere
— for example, when the wall of death is deployed against “the system,”
as a tactical/militant adjunct to the anarchist goals of achieving a society
based on mutual aid, self-rule, non-hierarchical social relations, and the
proliferation of fake meats — could one even begin to effectively grapple
with its theoretical implications. See, R.A.M.B.O., Wall of Death the
System (625 Thrashcore Records, 2001), LP. For more on the cultural/
political logics of the moshing (“Fuck your individualist mosh / No
neoliberals in the pit”) as well as the potential uses of the wall of death
against Christian anti-abortion protestors, see Crucial Unit “Thrashahol-
ics Unanimous,” and “Wall of Death the Chain of Life,” Crucial Unit/
Municipal Waste, Split LP (Six Weeks Records, 2002).

I have seen no clear evidence that subcultural researchers have ever asked
— or even thought to ask — what their research “subjects” actually do
call themselves, or what they would like to be called, or why it matters.
Punks are creative and quirky; perhaps they would prefer to be known,
in peer-reviewed journals, as a “pack,” or a “gaggle,” or even a “murder.”
For an exhaustive/exhausting treatment of the politics of subcultural re-
search terminology, see most essays from Andy Bennett and practically
every monograph or edited collection published in the last fifteen years
with variations of words “subculture,” “post-subculture” and also “youth
culture” and “club culture” in the title.

John Goshert, p. 87. While I think his definition is insufficient, Goshert
offers a notable description of punk (in contrast to singular phenome-
non) as “a set of only loosely assimilable vectors and forms of expression.”
David Muggleton, Inside Subculture, p. 2. Also see, Andy Medhurst,
“What Did I Get? Punk, Memory and Autobiography,” in (ed) Roger
Sabin, Punk Rock: So What?, pp. 219-231.

Lucy O’Brien, “Academia in the UK,” The Guardian, September 27,
2001.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Andy Capper, “Anarchy and Peace, Litigated,” Vice Magazine, Vol.
17, No. 8 (2010), p. 99. Online at http://www.vice.com/read/
anarchy-and-peace-litigated-490-v17n8

24

22

23

24

25

26
27

PUNKADEMICS

Helen Reddington, “‘Lady’ Punks in Bands: A Subculturette?” in (eds.)
David Muggleton and Rupert Weinzierl, The Post-Subcultures Reader
(Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003), p. 239.

These documentaries include Scott Treleaven, Queercore: A Punk-U-Men-
tary (Toronto: V-Tape, 1997), VHS; Martin Sorrondeguy Beyond The
Screams/Mas Alla de los Gritos: A U.S. Latino Hardcore Punk Documen-
tary (Self-released, 1999), VHS; James Spooner, Afro-Punk (Los Angeles:
Afro-Punk, 2003), DVD; and most recently, Amy Oden’s film about
women in the DIY punk scene, called From the Back of the Room (Self-
released, 2011), Film.

Quoted in reference to the compilation, Possessed to Skate Vol. II (625
Productions, 2002), LP. Ward also suggests that the recurring theme of
punks recycling ‘old school’ styles similarly relies upon a tenuous rela-
tionship to punk history: “Trends come and go...and it seems that every
now and then the punk scene harks back to the ‘good old days’ for inspi-
ration, which of course is good in some respects. It never is an exact copy
of what was [...] because what is being copied is only what we construct
from a few record covers, a couple myths, or for those of us old enough,
a few fuzzy memories that aren't based in reality.” See Scholastic Deth,
“Lyrics and Explanations.” Online at http://www.geocities.ws/scholastic-
deth/lyrics.html

For examples of such references, see Bradford D. Martin, The Other Eight-
ies: A Secret History of America in the Age of Reagan (New York: Macmil-
lan, 2011), pp. 95-118; Bruce Schulman, The Seventies: The Great Shift
In American Culture, Society, and Politics (Cambridge, MA: De Capo,
2002), p. 153.

Goshert, p. 88.

It is possible that punkademics could be mapped onto what Linda An-
des refers to as the “stages of punk.” Linda Andes, “Growing Up Punk:
Meaning and Commitment Careers in a Contemporary Youth Subcul-
ture,” in ed. J.S. Epstein, Youth Culture: Identity in a Postmodern World
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), pp. 212-231. Andy Bennett has written one
of the only pieces about ‘old’ punks, but it focuses rather narrowly on
fans attending a concert. See “Punk’s Not Dead: The Continuing Sig-
nificance of Punk Rock for an Older Generation of Fans,” Sociology, Vol.
40 No. 2 (2006): 219-235.

‘CAUSE | WANNA BE... PHD?

DYLAN MINER AND ESTRELLA TORREZ

TURNING POINT:

CLAIMING THE UNIVERSITY AS A
PUNK SPACE!

PUNK AND ACADEMIA are queer bedfellows.” The very nature of this collection
presupposes the antagonistic relationship between the autonomy of punk
and the structured nature of the university. Any hardcore kid who has spent
time in a university classroom will recognize the inherent contradiction be-
tween her/his anarchic (and activist) desires to create an alternative and eq-
uitable society and the university's ability to restrict all counter-hegemonic
voices within it. As professors, we deal with this on a daily basis. We feel this
contradiction in our classrooms, in our syllabi, in our research, how we relate
with students, and even how we interact with our colleagues. How do we,
as punkademics, continue to resist the process of institutionalization, while
working within an institution? Moreover, how do we do so when, in the eyes
of many students, we represent the power and legitimacy of the university?

Thankfully, we are not alone in our quotidian struggles against the
hegemony of dominant institutions. In fact, this everyday struggle is one
with roots in the modernist, as well as anticapitalist, tactic to resist the
ongoing power of the state and its multiple institutionalized apparatuses.
From this position, artists, intellectuals, and activists have frequently
been at the forefront of these confrontations. In his discussion of the
anarchist-oriented avant-garde, Situationist International (SI), Berlin-
based critic Gene Ray comments on the way that modernist artists,
whom he places in dialectic tension with the avant-garde, aimed their
critiques at institutions, while the anarchist-oriented practices of SI chal-
lenged the very legitimacy of institutions by intentionally choosing to
not participate in these institutions. According to Ray,

28 PUNKADEMICS

The SI was a group founded on the principle of autonomy
— an autonomy not restricted as privilege or specialization,
but one that is radicalized through a revolutionary process
openly aiming to extend autonomy to all. The SI did not
recognize any Party or other absolute authority on questions
pertaining to the aims and forms of revolutionary social
struggle. Their autonomy was critically to study reality and
the theories that would explain it, draw their own conclu-
sions and act accordingly. In its own group process, the SI
accepted nothing less than a continuous demonstration of
autonomy by its members, who were expected to contribute
as full participants in a collective practice.

Since Guy Debord, a key situationist and author of The Society of the
Spectacle, is common reading in most anarchist and political punk scenes,
Ray’s characterization about SI has direct implications on our discussion
of claiming the university as a punk space. In fact, Debord and the SI
begin to challenge the legitimacy of institutions like the university, the
site where punkademics work. Like mainstream arts institutions, the uni-
versity, as an institution, frequently inhibits one’s autonomy at the very
point when an individual begins to participate in its everyday workings.

As punkademics, which seems to be a fitting title for who we both
are, we feel that this intimately fraught relationship between punks and
the university is a contest we must individually and collectively confront.
In many ways, punk intellectuals, both inside and outside the academy,
may turn to the history of Chicana/o or Mexican-American activism as
a model of how to compel the institution to work for the people, not
only those in power. According to the Plan de Santa Barbara, a 155-page
manifesto collectively written by the Chicano Coordinating Council on
Higher Education in 1969, “we do not come to work for the university,
but to demand that the university work for our people.’”* As insider-out-
siders, and as punks and people of color within the university, we are ada-
mant that the university be accountable to “our people,” as the Plan de
Santa Barbara so significantly articulates. So while we both understand
the tactical decision to disavow dominant institutions, such as the uni-
versity, we have nonetheless chosen different tactics: to insert ourselves,
and our intellectual and cultural labor into the confines of the university
in hopes of changing the very nature of the institution.

Conservative pundits, such as David Horowitz, portray the university
as an autonomous sphere where old Left intellectuals train and inform new
generations of anticapitalist activists. Inversely, we have come to see the

TURNING POINT 29

university as a space that allows only a minimal degree of dissent before dis-
carding those rebellious and anti-authoritarian voices which, at one point,
may have been allowed to speak. We both have witnessed hostile attacks on
friends and colleagues whose ideas were viewed as too confrontational, too
challenging, or just too radical for the university. The high stakes examples
of tenure dismissal and tenure denial for Indigenous activist-intellectuals
Ward Churchill and Andrea Smith are only two examples of times when
our allies were denied a space within the university.

Another example is that of Norman Finkelstein, a political scientist
writing on the Israel-Palestine conflict. Finkelstein was denied tenure at
DePaul University in 2007. For university officials, his critical views on
Israeli foreign policy and professional demeanor were deemed against the
university's “Vincentian values.” The Illinois Conference of the Ameri-
can Association of University Professors (AAUP) criticized DePaul’s de-
cision because it felt that the verdict was based on the misconception
that Finkelstein’s research “might hurt [the] college’s reputation.”*® I won-
der how Indigenous inhabitants feel about the “Vincentian values’ that
precipitated missionaries who “came to America to work especially for
the salvation of the poor Indians,” as Bishop Joseph Rosati wrote in the
nineteenth-century?°

In fall 2010, DePaul was once again in the news following the ten-
ure denial of two women of color, an all too frequent event in a labor
force which does not formally recognize the unique labor performed
by women and faculty of color. One of the women, Namita Goswami,
a philosopher of race and postcoloniality was, according to media ac-
counts, denied tenure because her work was “insufficiently philosophi-
cal.”’ While neither of us know the specifics of these preceding cases,
they are each indicative of a system which speaks of institutional “di-
versity,” yet is unwilling to re-evaluate the institution’s relationship to
counter-hegemonic or challenging forms of knowledge.

In this same way, most institutions of higher education could care
less about the things punks care about. Our own identities as punks are
intimately intertwined with radical feminism, anticapitalist selforgani-
zation, Third and Fourth World liberation, veganism and food justice,
and DIY, not even mentioning the most fundamental desire to produce
new and liberated societies “within the shell of the old.”* In The Philoso-
phy of Punk, Craig O’ Hara discusses the humanizing efforts of punk in a
never-ending capitalist world of alienation. He writes that

Punks question conformity not only by looking and sound-
ing different (which has debatable importance), but by

30 PUNKADEMICS

questioning the prevailing modes of thought. Questions
about things that others take for granted related to work,
race, sex, and our own selves...By acting as anti-authoritar-
ian nonconformists, Punks are not usually treated very well
by those people whose commands to conform are rejected.?

While the university may have the facade of radicalism, it is all too
frequently a “free-trade area” where the capitalist model of “intellectual
entrepreneurship” supersedes any organic means of knowledge dissemi-
nation. With recent budget cuts, faculty have been asked to “tighten
our belts” and be “entrepreneurial” by seeking extramural funding for
research, the very basis for how the university credits its faculty.

Stuart Hall, the Marxist founder of the Birmingham School who be-
gan his career teaching night school to British workers, recognizes the
immense authority of capitalism to suck the life from oppositional move-
ments, an idea that Slovenian critic Slavoj Zizek has developed to its
logical end. For Hall, the conciliatory power of capitalism facilitates the
cooptation of any and all oppositional projects into the capitalist model.
Hall asserts, “that in order to maintain its global position, capital has
had to negotiate, has had to incorporate and partly reflect the differences
it was trying to overcome.”'® So punkademics, those of us struggling
against capitalist globalization and the university's disavowal of our spe-
cialized knowledge, must be doubly cautious about cooptation. Using
the language we all understand, punkademics must never sell-out.

Most recently, the university has become a space that proposes the de-
velopment of an “engaged global citizenry,” while ignoring the most fun-
damental issues of inequality. While punk ontology is founded in, using
the language of the anarcho-indigenist Zapatistas of southern Mexico,
realizing that otro mundo es possible (another world is possible), dominant
institutions are embedded in maintaining existing worlds. As individuals
who pride ourselves on being part of a self-constructed and prefigurative
society within the shell of the old, punk alternatives do not easily map
onto the notions of global citizenship that are being laid out within the
entrepreneurial and colonial desires of the university.

It is clear, however, that by documenting these structural changes to
the university, we are not naively reminiscing on some ideal past in which
the university successfully met the needs of community. Inversely, it ap-
pears to us that the university may be more open now than it ever has
been, particularly in relation to subaltern knowledges and the position of
ethnic studies: programs which are being cut indiscriminately across in-
stitutions. Even so, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, a Maori scholar from Aoteoroa

TURNING POINT 31

(New Zealand), positions the development of Western knowledge as one
that systematically marginalizes Indigenous knowledge and is active in
colonizing global populations. She writes,

The globalization of knowledge and Western culture
constantly reaffirms the West’s view of itself as the centre of
legitimate knowledge, the arbiter of what counts as knowl-
edge, and the source of the “civilized” knowledge. This form
of global knowledge is generally referred to as “universal”
knowledge, available to all and not ‘owned’ by anyone, that
is, until non-Western scholars make claims to it.!!

While many punks come from privileged sectors of dominant society,
to identify as a punk is a maneuver to intentionally position one’s self in
solidarity with oppressed and colonized people, both locally and globally.
A trip to San Cristobal de las Casas, a highland municipality in Chiapas
(Mexico) and one of the four cities overtaken by Zapatistas on January
1, 1994, will reveal the high level of crusty punks who have descended
on the city. While this may have some negative implications on local
community, with Anglo-American and European punks not fully under-
standing Mayan indigeneity, it nevertheless demonstrates a profound ad-
miration and solidarity with Indigenous struggles. These are movements
toward autonomy and ones directly confronting capitalism. In this way,
these punks are helping to build another possible world.

Even while institutions attempt to create “global citizens,” the way
this commonly transpires disregards the basic pedagogical tools needed
to truly open discussions of who this sort of individual may be, why
this move is important, and how (as North Americans) we may actually
become “engaged global citizens.” One aspect of being a global citizen
is commonly interpreted into a crass form of volunteerism. Therefore,
each year, thousands of students enter “volunteering obligations” (what
was once known as service-learning and then became recognized as civic
engagement) without understanding the very systems that necessitate
them partaking in such practices. Volunteers enter soup kitchens, home-
less shelters, suicide hotline centers and the like spending a few hours
(enough to report back to their professor in the form of a power point
presentation or final paper) without the rudimentary knowledge that
would enable them to critique the capitalist origins of their need to vol-
unteer. Of course, this does not mean that all universities practice these
in a naive or impractical fashion. At the moment, we both teach these
types of courses, educating students about how to engage in solidarity

32 PUNKADEMICS

work with Latino and Native communities in the Great Lakes. To date,
they seem to be developing quite successfully.

Instead of evoking a commitment to active social transformation, the
university has become a space where corporate colonization impedes and
inhibits the (presumably) public space of the university, the inverse of
how punk autonomy seeks to ascertain parallel institutions. Although
dialogue is at the core of any revolutionary education, the dominant ped-
agogical (teaching) mode used within the university classroom remains
alienated from any real or authentic learning. This is not to say that the
university (and those of us operating within its grasp) does not foster the
vision of a new and better world. In many ways, as life-long students
and intellectual workers, we wholeheartedly believe that the university
can become one of the spaces where we may help to create an alternative
universe, one which challenges the dominance of capitalism. This is the
reason, we suppose, that there are punks and anarchists operating within
the university’s framework, both as students and professors. But all too
frequently, this specter haunting academia is simply the veneer of poten-
tial democratic engagement.

In turn the university has become adept at pretending to allow resis-
tant practices to exist within its structure. These dissenting voices may be
politically motivated, such as those identified as anarchist, punk, Marx-
ist, council communist, or anti-authoritarian, or their very presence in
the university may challenge the status quo (particularly when they are
Chicana/o and Latina/o, Black, American Indian, immigrant, working-
class, or women and feminists). As many critical pedagogues have cor-
rectly argued, including but not limited to Paolo Freire, Antonia Darder,
Paul Willis, and Joel Spring, public education has historically been the
location where students learn (and accept as natural) their marginal place
in the existing social order. From this perspective, schooling is a system of
dominance, one that maintains the existing order. This makes us wonder
where punks and hardcore kids have learned to accept their/our role on
the margins of society?

Although neither of us believe that punk should be mainstreamed
and therefore lose its oppositional nature and liberatory potential, we are
nonetheless of the opinion that by infiltrating the academy, the presence
of punk knowledge systems (we could call these punk epistemologies) will
likewise begin to penetrate capitalist infrastructures. Moreover, by alienat-
ing certain sectors of society from the university system (or those of us that
negate our privilege by choosing not to attend university), we simply begin
to accept our own place on the margins of contemporary society. Although
we advocate for the creation of parallel institutions, such as free schools

TURNING POINT 33

and open universities, we also believe that punk intellectuals and other
radicals must never consent to being denied a place within the university.
In this fashion, we must claim the university as a site where knowledge is
recognized and will, in fact, help transform contemporary society.

Unfortunately as punks, we continue to self-marginalize ourselves,
our views of the world, and the potential role we could play in building a
new world. At times, we both minimize our “punkness” so as not to iso-
late the other significant perspectives we may bring to the table. We have
each had many conversations over the years with friends, acquaintances,
comrades, and fellow punks whose base-level knowledge and lived expe-
riences were deemed insufficient against those of the university. Forced
out by biased and un-accepting professors, many of these punk kids de-
cided to leave academia, rather than stay and (re)claim the academy as
their own. So at this moment, we stand firm. We demand that the time
is now when we begin to declare the university as a punk space.

The tenants of hardcore, as expressed in Craig O’Hara’s The Philosophy
of Punk, are based on our collective response to the shared experiences of
capitalist alienation, in many the same alienation that all workers of the
world share. If we have any hope to circumvent capitalism and the affili-
ated processes of corporate globalization, we must begin to use pedagogy
(both within and without dominant systems) as a means toward libera-
tion. Although we may begin to create alternative infrastructure, which
we believe must be amplified, the reclamation of the university must also
occur. A two-tiered tactic must include claiming the university work for
us, as happened with university students throughout the world in 1968.

Unfortunately, a pessimistic punk orientation only highlights one
vantage point of the oppressive nature of schooling. Inversely, education
also has the propensity to democratize civil society, a notion that all too
many nation-states have used to their benefit. This concept was discussed
in-depth by John Dewey, a seminal figure in educational theory. Propa-
ghandi, the prominent vegan, anarchist, pro-queer, peace-punk band
from Manitoba, posits an alternate relationship between knowledge, eq-
uity, and the education system. Accordingly, Propaghandi maintains it in
their typical tongue-in-cheek fashion:

At some turning point in history
Some fuck-face recognized
That knowledge tends to democratize...

We cannot help but comment on how beautifully written (and simul-
taneously crass) these lyrics are.

34 PUNKADEMICS

Although the educational system commonly marginalizes and op-
presses certain segments of the population — often times the majority — it
may also be used to counter these practices. Education, in the eyes of
Paulo Freire and his revolutionary text Pedagogy of the Oppressed, is at the
core of any radical social change. It is here, in the emancipatory annals
of education, where cultural workers choose to either actively work to
politicize or depoliticize those that enter the space. As punkademics, we
situate ourselves here.

If we, as punk teachers and professors, are truly intent on creating
a democratic and equitable society, we must 1) begin to open up what
we consider “knowledge” to include punk epistemologies, as well as; 2)
begin to infiltrate the university, both as students and faculty, in a way
that opens up the university to our knowledge; 3) engage in discussions
centered on topics concerning power and privilege; 4) directly confront
those notions embedded within a hidden curriculum meant to perpetu-
ate a neoliberal agenda; 5) recognize ourselves as agents of change; and 6)
enter each social situation as a potential revolutionary act.

By doing so, we amplify what is presently being done both in punk
and in some spaces at the university. By doing so, we must prevent the
negative progression of the industrial university that produces depoliti-
cized (and all-too-frequently precarious) workers. This is not to say that
faculty and students who are actively creating radical spaces within the
academy do not exist; in fact we do. However we have not fully claimed
the university in any critical manner or centralized within one locale.
Once punk academics establish intellectual communities that support
critical thinking, encourage activist work, and develop alternative fu-
tures, the capitalist tide within the academy will begin to change. This
book is but the first move in that direction.

NOTES

1 An earlier and abridged version of this article was previously published in the
“Teacher’s Column” of Give Me Back #5. The author's would like to thank
Fil at GMB, as well as all of the hardcore kids who continue to read zines.

2 While punk is generally queer, only certain sectors of academia operate
to queer normative binaries of straightness.

3 Gene Ray, “Toward a Critical Art Theory,” in eds. Gerald Raunig and
Gene Ray, Art and Contemporary Critical Practice: Reinventing Institu-
tional Critique (MayFly Books, 2009), pp. 84-85.

4 According to the document, this statement is attributed to José Vas-
concelos, a problematic and anti-Indigenous bureaucrat during the

TURNING POINT 35

early-to-mid twentieth century. While we do not deny this attribution,
we believe that situating within the radical activism of the Chicano move-
ment makes more sense for the sake of articulating a punk argument.
Sierra Millman, “Students Will Begin Hunger Strike in Support of De-
Paul Professors Denied Tenure,” Chronicle of Higher Education, June 25,
2007. http://chronicle.com/article/Students-Will-Begin-Hunger/39107
Joseph Rosati to Nicola Rosati, December 19, 1820, from Barrens, cited
in working papers of Frederick Easterly in preparation for his The Life of
Rt. Rev. Joseph Rosati, CM (Washington, D.C., 1942) original notes in
Mary Immaculate Seminary, Northampton, Pennsylvania.

Rachel Cromidas, “DePaul Faculty Members Call for Tenure Probe.”
Chicago News Cooperative, December 7, 2010. http://www.chicagonews-
coop.org/depaul-faculty-members-call-for-tenure-probe.

The concept of building a new world within the shell of the old is one
created by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), a pre-punk and
anarcho-syndicalist labor union formed in 1905. The IWW or Wob-
blies, as they are commonly known, have been influential on prefigu-
rative punk politics and aesthetics. Miner, a long-time Wobbly whose
dues are presently unpaid, made a series of relief prints for the 2005
commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the union. These images,
some of which were included in Wobblies!: A Graphic History of the IWW
(New York: Verso, 2005), traveled to union halls, anarchist bookstores,
and alternative spaces throughout North America, Europe, Australia, and
South Africa.

Craig O’Hara, The Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise! (Oakland: AK
Press, 1999), pp. 27-28.

Stuart Hall, “The Local and the Global,” in eds. Anne McClintock,
Aamir Mufti, and Ella Shohat, Dangerous Liaisons: Gender, Nation, and
Postcolonial Perspectives (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1997), p.
182.

Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indig-
enous Peoples (Zed Books, 1999), p. 63.

ROSS HAENFLER

PUNK ETHICS AND THE
MEGA-UNIVERSITY

INTRODUCTION
ONE SEMESTER IN my Sociology 101 course I noticed a visibly upset
student, Christie, sitting in her customary spot near the front of the
room. On a typical day she was generous with her contributions to our
class discussions, but that day she was quiet and looked to be on the
verge of tears. As I wondered what I could have said that so offended
her I recalled that she had missed the previous two sessions. I decided to
catch up with Christie after class, but before I could ask her to stay she
approached me with a folded sheet of paper in her hand. Still holding
back tears, she handed me the paper, which I immediately recognized
as a funeral program. A picture of a young man stared back at me along
with the order of service and directions to the cemetery where he was to
be laid to rest. Christie explained that she had missed class to attend her
little brother’s funeral and to grieve with her family. Before I could offer
my condolences, Christie began apologizing for missing class, pleading
that I not count her absences against her. As I looked at her with an
expression of sympathy mixed with astonishment, I reminded her that
I never penalized people for missing class due to an illness or, especially,
a family crisis. Somewhat relieved, Christie told me with a touch of bit-
terness that several of her professors had required that she produce the
funeral program to “prove” she wasn’t lying about her brother's death.
As Christie left I thought What the hell kind of system have we created
that a student feels compelled to apologize for attending a funerall?!? Chris-
tie’s story is one of many I’ve heard during my years in higher education
that reflects the dehumanization running rampant across many large col-
lege campuses.

38 PUNKADEMICS

Long before I became a “punkademic’” I was simply a punk. It seemed
like every interesting person in my high school — the artists, activists,
skaters, musicians, and other outsiders — were connected in some way
with the punk scene. More than torn up clothes and abrasive music,
punk ideas lured me in, especially the question everything mentality. Hear-
ing Nausea call upon us to “Smash Racism” or Downcast rail against
white/straight/male advantage in “Privilege” was revolutionary. Listening
to Minor Threat sing about the virtues of being “Out of Step” with the
world showed me there was more to being young than the booze culture
that measured manhood by alcohol content and sexual conquest. Seeing
feminist bands like Spitboy and Tribe 8 helped me question patriarchy
and homophobia. The punk scene was transformative for me. The op-
portunity to continually ask questions, pursue the answers, and examine
my own life, made me fall in love with punk and, later, university life. In
other words, the same yearning that brought me to punk rock helped me
find a home in academia. But just as I was naive about the revolutionary
potential of punk so too was I naive about life in the academy.

This chapter follows a punk-themed critique of the modern mega-
university and the academic profession based upon the punk values of
anti-authoritarianism, nonconformity, creativity/originality, anti-hierar-
chy, social change, and the do-it-yourself (DIY) ethic. Based on over ten
years of experience as an academic, I discuss how the bureaucratic system
creates alienation in the primary academic activities of teaching and re-
search. Along the way, I offer possibilities for resistance that punkadem-
ics and others might exploit.

PUNK GOES TO COLLEGE:

MEGA-UNIVERSITIES AND PUNK ETHICS

The idyllic image of sagely professor and eager students engaged in
Socratic dialogue beneath an ancient oak tree in the midst of majestic
stone buildings has on many campuses been supplanted by cavernous,
cement lecture halls filled with texting undergraduates and a professor
droning into a microphone. Modern “mega-universities” are enormous,
mostly state-sponsored research schools that grew exponentially in the
post-World War II era, often known as much for their big-time sports
teams as for their academic programs. Mega-universities typically have
tens of thousands of students (several have over 50,000), huge, com-
plex bureaucracies, large class sizes, research oriented professors, and
sprawling campuses. I have taught, briefly, at a small liberal arts college
and while such places certainly have their own peccadilloes and elitisms

PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY 39

they seem to me to serve their students and faculty relatively well in
comparison.

Never doubt there are wonderful people doing amazing work at me-
ga-universities. However, the system of the mega-university is at best seri-
ously flawed and at worst designed to make education efficient and cost
effective, alienating students and teachers in the process. Thus, for exam-
ple, faculty committed to being wonderful teachers on mega-campuses
are often working against a system that pays little more than lip-service
to working with undergraduates.

Just as universities have grown, so too has punk, changing from a
mostly underground and marginalized scene to an industry where “punk”
bands win Grammy Awards. Yet for every Green Day, Blink 182, and
Sum 41 that makes it big there are a dozen bands playing in basements
and garages to forty kids, seeking to keep alive punk’s countercultural,
anti-consumerist roots. Hot Topic, MySpace, and MTV2 might change
punk, but they can’t kill its spirit in the underground. Just as punk con-
tinually reinvents itself so too can we re-enchant the enlightening spirit
lacking in too many the mega-universities.

Critiques of higher education are nothing new. In 1918, Thorstein
Veblen described universities of his time as “impersonal,” “mechanistic,”
and “dispassionate,” with researchers worshipping value free science just
as men of previous eras worshipped mythological gods.’ In 1922, Up-
ton Sinclair criticized the plutocratic control of universities by business
elites, claiming schools created conformist students ready to take their
place in the capitalist machine.” Sociologist C. Wright Mills, believing
education was inherently political, took academics to task for conducting
and teaching supposedly “value free” social science that in actuality rein-
forced the oppressive establishment.’ Similarly, historian Howard Zinn
critiqued the “rules” of academia, including “disinterested scholarship,”
calling on scholars to “become the critics of the culture, rather than its
apologists and perpetrators” and to “work on modes of change instead
of merely describing the world that is.’* Numerous feminist scholars re-
vealed the academy’s sexist biases and marginalization and exclusion of
women and people of color. Page Smith chastised professors for being
in “full flight from teaching” and universities for celebrating an “aca-
demic fundamentalism” that produces a “poverty of spirit” in its pursuit
of unsentimental science.’ Finally, cultural critic and author bell hooks
laments an education system that squashes children’s natural predisposi-
tion for critical thinking by educating them for “conformity and obedi-
ence only.”° My critique shares much in common with these great works
but also emerges from my education in punk rock, where my teachers

40 PUNKADEMICS

were the Bad Brains, Dead Kennedys, Born Against, Crass, Fugazi, Biki-
ni Kill, and more. Their lessons for me included questioning hierarchies,
elitisms, and injustices while committing to originality, creativity, and
nonconformity.

RESEARCH

When I mentor undergraduate or MA students about pursuing a
PhD I often extol the virtues of an academic life, claiming, “What could
be better? You get to choose a topic that completely fascinates you, learn
everything there is to know about it, make your own contribution to that
knowledge, and hang out with students, sharing what you've learned.
And you get paid!” Of course the research enterprise, and more specifi-
cally publishing research, is rarely so picturesque. Too often, rather than
creating space for groundbreaking, creative, transformative research, the
mega-university system pushes faculty towards simply filling arcane aca-
demic journals with articles.

Every assistant professor at a mega-university feels the anxious pres-
sure dictated by the maxim “publish or perish,” that is, publish your
research in respectable peer-reviewed outlets or we will deny you the
holy grail of tenure and send you packing. For some young scholars,
the publish-or-perish imperative leads to an obsession with quantity
rather than quality. “How many “pubs” do you have?” becomes oper-
ating directive, regardless of a piece of scholarship’s particular signifi-
cance or usefulness. “What have you got in the pipeline?” suggests that
article production is an assembly-line-like process, that churning out
one piece after another is just part of that process, and that professors
are workers fulfilling a monotonous task. One of my past chairs even
suggested (in a well-meaning way) that I not aim too highly, just pub-
lish in some lower-tier academic journals to fill my tenure “quota.” Yet
even meeting some imagined quota of publications might not satisfy,
as the next concern becomes where the articles appear: how prestigious
the journal or press? Sometimes the mega-university doesn’t even both-
er masking the crass commercialism expected of new faculty, judging
them not only on their publications but also on their ability to bring
in big grants.

Tenure-terror results too often in jargon-laden, esoteric articles dis-
connected from reality that only a handful of people in the world can
comprehend and even fewer will read. The entire process is stressful,
competitive, and alienating. And crossing the tenure finish line hardly
ends the status games now firmly entrenched in the young scholar, as

PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY 41

one’s professional and self-worth continue to be measured by lines on a
curriculum vita.

Even more bizarre are the tenure requirements for “professional en-
gagement” which are satisfied by, among other things, presenting work
at professional conferences. At their best, such meetings provide a space
for colleagues to form new friendships, exchange ideas, be inspired by
new research, and wrestle with the current debates in their chosen field.
At their worst, they are a train wreck of ill-prepared and poorly-delivered
PowerPoint presentations with speakers talking way too fast and yet still
managing to not finish in their allotted time. Of course such presenta-
tions produce another line on your vita, even if you gave your paper to
five people, one of whom left halfway through.

The original punks disdained conventional, commercialized, cookie-
cutter music, art, and fashion fed to the “mainstream,” taking a stand for
creativity, originality, and innovation. Punk musicians were long skepti-
cal of signing to major labels, fearing that record executives — driven by
the profit imperative — would push artists to compromise their creative
vision. Likewise, young scholars may feel pressure to research something
“marketable,” a topic that won't ruffle too many feathers or be perceived
as too “political.” Again, given the ominous threat of a tenure review, the
many years of schooling, and the difficulty of landing a faculty position,
you can hardly blame people for hedging their bets and “cranking out”
articles and conference presentations. Still, many of us could remind
ourselves that all the effort leading up to landing a job is worthless if
we're not pursuing what thrills us rather than tailoring our work to some
academic convention.

Here academics might also take a lesson from punk’s anti-elitist roots.
One of punk’s early inclinations was to make music and art for everyday
people, not for critics or curators and certainly not for rich, high-culture
snobs. In academia, sometimes the more jargon-filled and convoluted
the writing the higher praise a work receives, as if being obtuse were a
virtue designed to deny the plebes some sacred, forbidden knowledge.
A certain degree of complicated language and specialized concepts may
be necessary to communicate complex ideas, but any honest scholar will
admit that academic writing is rife with posturing, due in part, perhaps,
to the fear of not appearing smart enough. Why not make our writing
less pretentious and more accessible? And why not occasionally write for
non-academic audiences — a blog, newspaper editorial, or popular-press
book — just as DIY punks spread their work via ‘zines?

Punk taught me to be very critical of social hierarchies, hierarchies of-
ten reproduced, rather than challenged, by higher education. Consumed

42 PUNKADEMICS

by the practical considerations of earning a degree (i.e. the cost), I didn’t
even consider — didn’t even have the notion to consider — the prestige of
one school vs. another. After a successful undergraduate career, I knew I
wanted to leap directly into graduate school, but I somehow missed the
memo that where you do your graduate work can be just as (or more)
important than what you do; prestige of school/department impacts fu-
ture job opportunities. During a professionalization seminar in my first
year of grad school, I recall the department chair explaining that schools
typically hired new scholars from one “tier” below their own prestige and
therefore we should give up any notion of teaching at major research
universities, regardless of our talent or productivity. Put another way, the
“top” schools hire almost exclusively from each other. Even my own field,
Sociology, known especially for analyzing (and often critiquing) hierar-
chies and unearned privilege, perpetually recreates social stratification by
fetishizing “prestige degrees,” that is, giving hiring preference or graduate
program slots to people from top-ranked schools. As the punkademic
generation assumes the mantle of department and university leadership,
will we continue to aggrandize diplomas adorned with the name of a
fancy school?

Another punk ideal is a basic commitment to becoming more than
a cog in a machine. Yet the modern mega-university is precisely such
a machine that manufactures cynicism and dehumanizes its members.
Imagine, for a moment, denying someone tenure because they published
in the 11" ranked journal rather than one of the top five. Or, spending
years researching a topic because it is “hot” or “publishable” as opposed
to what truly interests you. If punk teaches us anything it’s that we are
too often governed by social rules imposed by a conformist society that
cares for little aside from creating more workers and selling more prod-
ucts. It’s ironic that academics have more autonomy than many, free to
create the lives we want to live, and yet we build and maintain our own
prison of status hierarchies and self-imposed competition. Punkademics
can hold out for something better.

TEACHING

My first semester of graduate school I was a teaching assistant for a
Sociology 101 course servicing 500 students. While the professor was
organized, fairly interesting, and even kind, there was simply no way he
could reach out to every student. In the modern mega-university, big
classes, standardized textbooks, and multiple-choice exams are the norm.
As state appropriations for higher ed decline, campuses raise tuition and

PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY 43

let in more students to make up the shortfall. The entire enterprise is
geared towards efficiency — serve the most students possible with the
least amount of expenditure. It’s no secret that smaller classes improve
learning outcomes, but it’s also no secret that paying one professor and
a few TAs to teach 500 students is cheaper than paying ten professors to
teach classes of 50. Some universities are going a step further and replac-
ing flesh and blood teachers with computers by expanding their online
education programs (less classroom space to build and maintain). The
logical extension of the efficiency/profit model is the for-profit ‘universi-
ties’ such as University of Phoenix that make little effort to hide the fact
that education is, primarily, a business. In short, at the mega-university
transformative teaching is sacrificed at the altar of efficiency; students
too often feel like a number, a face in a crowd, a customer, rather than a
valued member of a learning community.

As the previous section suggests, on most mega-campuses, teach-
ing undergraduates takes a far back seat to research (or more specifi-
cally, publishing). Some faculty members speak of teaching “loads” as if
dealing with undergrads were a burden rather than a privilege. Others
purposefully schedule their office hours at inopportune times to avoid
being bothered by students. Still others secure grants to help them “buy
out” of teaching, freeing them to pursue their (presumably more impor-
tant) “work,” while turning over teaching responsibilities to temporary
adjuncts and instructors. Exams, especially multiple-choice exams, save
hours of grading time but often evaluate rather than educate, driving
students to be grade- rather than learning-oriented. I am not suggesting
there are no professors who care about teaching; some clearly do care a
great deal for their students. Still, the system of rewards — particularly
tenure, but also status and raises — favor research production over teach-
ing, leading even many well-intended teachers to sacrifice teaching and
pursue publishing. The combination of larger class sizes and pressures to
publish leaves little time for individual students and little opportunity to
forge meaningful mentorship relationships with undergraduates.

Caught up in the same commercialized, McDonaldized system, pro-
fessors and students war with one another rather than uniting to pursue
their common interests. Each “side” views the other with increasing dis-
trust, disinterest, and disdain. Teachers see many students as lazy, apo-
litical, looking for shortcuts, often-privileged, and lacking in creativity
and any sort of attention span — and sometimes the teachers are right.
Students would rather watch reality television or send text messages
than read literature or listen to NPR. Students, on the other hand, view
teachers as uncaring, boring, rigid know-it-alls who make little effort to

44 PUNKADEMICS

connect their teachings to students’ lived experiences and interests — and
sometimes the students are right. Yet the classroom remains one of the
most important arenas in which to challenge the shortcomings of the
mega-university.

First, and most simply, teachers need to share their passion and ex-
citement with students. One of punk and hardcore’s special contribu-
tions to the broader music world is the intense, frenetic live show that
leaves both performer and audience exhilarated and exhausted. While I
have never been in a band, I’ve often considered what it would be like if
I taught as if I was fronting a hardcore band. I don’t mean running back
and forth at the front of a lecture hall, screaming at students and stage
diving into the first few rows. Rather, what would happen if I brought
the same level of intensity and communicated the same level of passion
I received from a Fugazi show? How would students respond if I taught
like the Dead Kennedys played? Granted, such feeling is easier with a
receptive, energetic audience. But I was always inspired by a story of
Henry Rollins playing with Black Flag. The band had arrived to play a
show in some small, midwestern town to find that only a few kids had
turned out. Disappointed, Rollins gave a lackluster performance and was
later chastised by bandmates who insisted that those few fans deserved
the same intense performance Rollins might give to a crowd of hundreds.
Rollins took the criticism to heart and committed to playing his guts out
for whomever showed up, one person or a thousand. The lesson: even if
there is only one eager student in the classroom (and there nearly always
is) then that student deserves everything we have.

Inside and outside the classroom, professors have tremendous op-
portunities to build relationships with and among students in defiance
of the inhuman, bureaucratic mega-university. Virtually any punk can
compare and contrast “concerts” and “shows”; a concert is big, relatively
anonymous, and features professional, godlike musicians performing for
mere mortals (a.k.a. fans), while a show involves an intimacy between
performer and audience: a symbiotic, energetic relationship between
equals. Concerts feature barriers and security guards between the band
and the crowd; shows allow performer and audience to become one as
the singer passes the mic to kids while others dive into the audience
from the stage. The distinction is significant. Sometimes we have literal
barriers between us and our students: podiums, tables, and empty spaces
at the front of a lecture hall. More often we have symbolic barriers: cre-
dentials, status, and “expertness.” Overcoming these barriers is crucial
to transforming the hierarchical teacher-student relationship. There are
many possibilities. Using reusable nametags throughout the semester can

PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY 45

help everyone, teacher and students, get to know one another. Having
everyone introduce themselves and shake hands on the first day begins
the process of connection. Creating a challenging, but validating, space
that welcomes student conversation and participation builds rapport
and encourages students to find their voice; imagine a classroom where
everyone thinks of her/himself as both student and teacher. Allowing
and encouraging students, whenever possible, to pursue their own in-
terests, rather than completing prefab assignments, fosters imagination
and ownership over their work. Above all, bringing originality, humor,
and, especially, creativity to the classroom sparks student engagement
while humanizing what is too often a very sterile, predictable academic
atmosphere.

Finally, the classroom can be a place to imagine a more just and sus-
tainable world: a place where professors can, as bell hooks suggests, teach
to transgress. While early punks were often extremely cynical, espousing
a “no future” attitude that reflected their often dismal and hopeless sur-
roundings, many punks have since committed to social change in one
form or another. Cultural critics and former punks have been tolling
punk’s demise since 1979. But perhaps, as Dylan Clark suggests, “The
threatening pose has been replaced with the actual threat.”” My educa-
tion in social justice really began with punk rock. At my high school,
punks dominated Amnesty International, the student environmental
group, and the opposition to the Gulf War. They were anti-racist, pro-
feminist, and often vegetarian or vegan. More recently, bands like Good
Riddance supported animal rights and radical politics; NOFX’s Fat Mike
rallied youth to vote against George W. Bush in 2004; and Rise Against
championed environmental and animal rights causes.

At its core, punk is about anti-conformity and countering hegemony.
Punkademics are especially situated to help students question everything.
But being a nonconformist simply for the sake of being different is a
shallow form of resistance. Instead we can find inspiration in Martin
Luther King, Jr.’s call that we be “transformed nonconformists,” radically
challenging the status quo — militarism, sectarianism, racism, and pov-
erty — in meaningful ways.* In the humanities and social sciences we can
reveal the inequalities of race/class/gender/sexuality and debate alterna-
tives. In anthropology and international studies courses we can challenge
students’ ethnocentrism and nationalism. In economics classes we can
question the excess, exploitation, and inequalities of capitalism but also
move beyond knee-jerk anticapitalist rants. In political science we can
teach students to decode politicians’ and pundits’ lies, while in math
courses students could study how leaders use statistics to persuade and

46 PUNKADEMICS

mislead. In chemistry and biology courses we might critically consider
the role of biotech and genetically engineered food in our future. English
courses can explore marginalized writers and encourage students to find
their own voice. The opportunities to educate for critical thinking and
personal transformation are limitless. Students will remember the feeling
of the course along with the facts, and, like a great punk show, no one will
remember a few missed notes.

STUDENTS
Much of this chapter has focused on the role that faculty and the
university structure play in creating the dehumanizing mega-university
experience; after all, individual students come and go, faculty, admin-
istrators, and university agendas persist. Nevertheless, students are not
powerless puppets or mindless zombies; they will play an especially cru-
cial part in any potential resistance or reforms. They must take a DIY
approach to their education, actively creating a meaningful experience
in spite of the mega-university. If you are a student, you might try these
ideas:

¢ Get to know a few of your professors, early on! Visit them during
their office hours, and not only when you have a problem or a
complaint about a grade.

¢ Think like a student, not a robotic consumer. Yes, a degree will
serve you well in your future career, but education is more than
grades and credentials.

¢ Pour your energy into the classroom! Pay attention, answer ques-
tions, debate. Students outnumber the teacher; your energy im-
pacts everyone's experience.

¢ Find out about the stellar teachers on your campus; take their
classes; and nominate them for teaching awards.

* Question your beliefs. Approach your classes with “beginner's
mind,” letting go of your preconceptions while thinking critically
about course material.

¢ Be creative! Take risks! Approach your professors with your own
ideas for projects or independent study.

¢ — Put down your smart phone. Just for a bit. Not every class session
will blow your mind, but it would be tragic if you missed a trans-
formative discussion because you were updating your Facebook
page.

e Seek an intentional community. Mega-universities can make
us feel anonymous and insignificant, but there are always small

PUNK ETHICS AND THE MEGA-UNIVERSITY 47

pockets of interesting, engaged people. Many schools have
residential colleges, an Honors program, a music scene, and of
course, numerous student organizations and clubs.

¢ Agitate! Work for progressive change on your campus, in your
community, and for the world.

CONCLUSION

A wise mentor and award-winning mega-university teacher once told
me that universities were full of people creating suffering for each other.
Whether it’s the professor proclaiming with pride on the first day that
half the class will fail the course, or the student who plagiarizes a paper or
gives a prof undeserved poor reviews, there is plenty of antagonism to go
around. The mega-university is a creature of our own making: a monster
that has escaped the control of its makers. But we can take it back.

I believe punk is to some degree about recognizing and reconnecting
with our humanity and the humanity of others. Punk calls us to resist the
dehumanizing systems that crush not just our individuality and creativ-
ity but also our compassion and ability to connect with people. Down-
cast tore apart the American Dream in “System,” suggesting “Society
must dig to the root of the problem: separation — again rearing its ugly
head.” 7 Seconds asked that we learn to “walk together,” honoring our
differences while realizing our connections. Too often in contemporary
life, people become tools, obstacles, annoyances, and cartoonish carica-
tures to be used, degraded, or simply ignored entirely. A good punk show
is more than strange hairdos, obnoxious music, and circle pits: it’s an
indescribable feeling, an emotional experience made meaningful because
it is shared. More than superficial individualism, punk is a way of fight-
ing not only our own alienation but also our separation from our fellow
human beings. While a university may never duplicate such feelings, it
offers its own arena in which to build community.

Perhaps a truly punk rock response to the mega-university would be
more revolutionary than some of the reforms I have proposed here. My
aims are fairly modest because I have witnessed both the resistance to
change and the transformative potential of universities firsthand. I be-
lieve that punk, despite its many shortcomings, has provided many of
us a space to grow into the people we hope to be, rather than becoming
just what society expects of us. And I believe that universities can do
the same. Inspired by underground punk, we can rekindle the habit of
undermining hierarchy, questioning authority, and defying convention.
And we must do it ourselves.

48

PUNKADEMICS

NOTES
Thorstein Veblen, The Higher Learning In America: A Memorandum On
the Conduct of Universities By Business Men (New York: B.W. Huesbsch,
1918), p. 5.
Upton Sinclair, The Goose Step: A Study of American Education (Pasadena:
Self-published, 1922).
C. Wright Mills, Zhe Sociological Imagination (Oxford: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1959), pp. 50-75.
Howard Zinn, “The Uses of Scholarship,” in The Zinn Reader: Writings on
Disobedience and Democracy (Seven Stories Press, 1997), p. 541.
Page Smith, Killing the Spirit: Higher Education in America (New York:
Viking, 1990), pp. 5-7.
bell hooks, Teaching Critical Thinking (New York: Routledge, 2010), p.
8.
Dylan Clark, “The Death and Life of Punk, the Last Subculture,” in eds.
David Muggleton and Rupert Weinzierl, The Post-Subcultures Reader,
(New York: Berg, 2003), p. 234.
Martin Luther King, Jr., “Transformed Nonconformist,” Strength To Love
(New York: Harper and Row, 1963), pp. 8-15.

ZACK FURNESS AND MILO J. AUKERMAN

MILO WENT TO COLLEGE:

AN INTERVIEW WITH A
DESCENDENT

DON’T WORRY ABOUT AN IMAGE
DON’T GOT NO ATTITUDE

| KNOW | WON'T GET LAID

IF | WON'T BE LIKE YOU

DON’T GOT NO BICEPS

DON’T GOT NO PECS

BUT PLL READ YOU UNDER THE TABLE
WITH MY THICK SPECS!

-DESCENDENTS, “MASS NERDER”

FOR ANY PUNK who came of age in the 1980s or 1990s, Milo Auker-
man hardly needs an introduction. As the singer and front man for the
influential U.S. punk band, the Descendents, Aukerman’s clever wit and
catchy vocals helped the band carve out a musical niche that lay some-
where between the aggressive hardcore musicianship of Black Flag, the
toilet humor of a moody 15-year old Ramones fan, and the pop sensi-
bilities of 60s rock bands that long permeated the Southern California
beach town culture from which the band emerged. It is the unique inter-
pretation of such elements that, in hindsight, has arguably most defined
the Descendents legacy as hundreds of bands routinely cite their ang-
sty, love-scorned, caffeine-fueled melodies as part of the bedrock upon
which the genre of ‘pop punk’ was built. However, of equal significance
is Milo himself, whose unpretentious demeanor and heart-on-the-sleeve

50 PUNKADEMICS

lyrical forays became part of a persona that was as equally defined by his
notoriously bookish looks. Yet unlike the self-consciously ‘outsider’ im-
age cultivated by imitators of Elvis Costello and DEVO, one could tell
early on that Milo’s tussled hair and thick black glasses were not part of
‘a look,’ rather, it was simply how he looked. It is for this very reason —
ie. the most honest expression of not giving a shit — that Milo almost
singlehandedly, if not unintentionally, forged the “geek chic” mold for
punk rockers years before Rivers Cuomo (Weezer) and droves of thick-
rimmed hipsters learned to wear their inner nerd like a badge of honor.
One could argue that too much has been made of Milo’s role as the
“gangly bespectacled” front man, or for being, as one interviewer boldly
put it, the “nerd king of punk rock.”! Then again, not every punk band
documents their singer’s scholastic pursuits in the title of their first LP
(Milo Goes to College) or actively promotes a cartoon image of his likeness
— replete with boxy spectacles, a dress shirt and tie — as their enduring
visual icon. And most certainly, not every punk vocalist spends his time
between records and touring — over a 30-year span, no less — in pursuit
of a Microbiology PhD and, eventually, a career as a research scientist.

As a torchbearer for nerdy rockers and a pioneer of the PhD/punk
juggling act that few musicians in the scene have attempted to pull off,
Dr. Milo J. Aukerman is the godfather of punkademics. Indeed, when I
first kicked around the idea for this book some years ago, it was partly as
a response to the fact that I was singing in a band, working on my PhD,
and would periodically find myself in conversations — typically outside
of shows — where small talk about my job inevitably lead to someone
making a Milo reference. On one occasion, | remember a guy introduc-
ing me to his friend as the “PhD punk” who was “doing the Milo thing.”
Recently, I got the chance to ask Milo some questions about how his
‘thing’ is done.*

ZACK FURNESS: As I was reading through some of the interviews youve
given over the last 10-15 years, I noticed a trend whereby the interviewer
asks you a token question about your PhD, but he or she never wants to get
into the nitty-gritty of it all. This always bothered me because science and
education are obviously big parts of your life, and they have also defined the
persona of the Descendents, to some extent. In addition, Im a nerd and am
largely fascinated by the endeavors of other nerds, especially when the person
in question happens to front a legendary punk band. So I guess the best place
to start is by asking: what kind of work do you do as a biochemist, and how
did you first get interested in the field?

MILO WENT TO COLLEGE 51

MILO AUKERMAN: I work on plant genes, trying to identify genes that
help plants be more tolerant to drought or nutrient deficiency. On a
day-to-day basis, I work a lot with DNA (plant or bacterial), which suits
me just fine...that’s how I got interested in this area. I was doing an oral
report in high school and chose to talk about DNA, and got hooked on
the subject. In fact, that was right about when I was getting into punk
rock, so the two passions of my life competed with each other from the
very beginning!

ZF: Who are your scientific heroes?

MA: My scientific heroes are Francis Crick, the co-discoverer of DNA,
and Sydney Brenner, the co-discoverer of the genetic code.

ZF: It seems like you were the first well-known punk to earn a PhD. To your
knowledge, were there others who blazed the punkademic trail before you?
And were there also punks that gave you shit for it?

MA: The closest thing to a predecessor I can think of is DEVO, who I
liked (not ashamed to admit it...this was before I discovered Black Flag
and the Germs). Although they were not academics per se, DEVO were
clearly nerds and even mentioned DNA in a song or two, so that was
good enough for me! I can’t say they inspired me to get an education,
but they made it okay to be a nerd and like new wave/punk rock. I never
got any shit for the school thing, probably because it seemed like such a
natural transition for me...Bill (Stevenson, the drummer) pretty much
knew all along I was going to do college, for example.

ZF: Its obvious that you were very interested in science classes when you were in
college, but what were some of the other courses or writers that you really enjoyed?

MA: I took a poetry class where I formulated some of my most embar-
rassing and bombastic lyrics “Impressions,” for example). I also minored
in music literature, and got exposed to classical and experimental music.
I actually failed a course on Wagner; I couldn't relate to him as a hu-
man being. Berg, on the other hand, I loved, especially Wozzeck. I also
remember reading Herbert Marcuse’s Aesthetic Dimension and relating to
the idea that true art by necessity transcends politics.

ZF: Youve written a number of songs about struggling with growing up, and
in reading the lyrics to a song like “Schizophrenia,” its pretty clear that youve

52 PUNKADEMICS

also had some past difficulty reconciling your passions for music and science.
What made you finally decide to pursue the latter on a full-time basis (aside
from the obvious fact that punk doesn't exactly pay the bills)?

MA: It was the “long look” — what could I see myself doing in my 50s,
60s, etc. Not very punk, I know. The reality was, I got just as excited
about biology as I did about punk rock, but only one of those two you
could actually make a career out of, at least in 1982, anyway. What I
didn’t realize is that the music addiction is hard to shake; I tried hard to
leave it behind but always found myself coming back to it.

ZF: Are you happy with the choices youve made?

MA: Considering the on-again-off-again nature of my approach to music,
I’m surprised it worked out as well as it did. I sometimes regret not hav-
ing chosen music as a full-time career (after all, the Basemaster General
states we should always try to achieve ALL in whatever we do). But I’ve
always thought that as long as ’'m doing something creative, it doesn’t
matter whether it’s music or science, or both. So I’m OK with how it all
turned out.

ZF: Most of the punks Ive met who were/are grad students or professors are in
the humanities or social sciences, though I've also worked outside of a research
university for the last four years. Have you met many other punk scientists?

MA: Greg Graffin (Bad Religion) is a professor of Biology at UCLA.
Dexter Holland (Offspring) is another punk scientist, although he never
finished his PhD. He got a Masters from USC, and once told me if he
ever wanted to go back and get the PhD, he'd just go give the school a
huge chunk of money!

ZF: How do most scientists respond when they find out about your other’
career, or listen to your band? For example, has anyone ever brandished a
Descendents tattoo in front of you at a conference, or have you ever been
propositioned to be in an all-scientist punk band?

MA: When I interviewed for my science job, two funny things happened.
First, I had to give a seminar, and afterwards a few employees who were
Descendents fans came up to get an autograph, which made me look re-
ally good to the hiring committee! Second, I let it slip that I was going to
jump on stage with ALL that same night, and so a few members of the

MILO WENT TO COLLEGE 53

hiring committee actually came to the show. It was like “Part Two” of the
job interview! So I feel blessed to be associated with some scientists who
have an open mind, and like to rock out. Now, playing with scientists in
a band is another matter. The temptation would be to write a magnum
opus to DNA, and that is something to be avoided...I mean there’s nerd,
and then there’s SUPERnerd, and I can’t go there.

ZF: Have you ever wanted to be a professor?

MA: That’s what I went to grad school for, but I found myself in the
position to take an industry job, and I went for it. It was totally the right
decision for me, and now academia doesn’t sound so appealing. I have no
tenure battles, no grants, no teaching to do, only research. In exchange, a
loss of some autonomy, but a fair trade in my estimation.

ZF: [ve met a lot of really smart people in the punk scene throughout the last
15 years and, on the whole, I tend to think of punks as being more well read
and politically aware than their peers, particularly when it comes to young
people. At the same, punk hasn't exactly been considered an “intellectual” af-
fair throughout its history, and there are numerous examples of punk bands
that take a certain degree of pride in being anti-intellectual. Have you no-
ticed any changes over the years? Has punk become nerdier?

MA: Lyrically, the Descendents are probably more anti-intellectual than
a lot of other bands; I mean we have multiple songs about farting. Then
there’s the Germs, who were one of the more intellectual bands lyrics-
wise, but this intelligence was overshadowed by Darby’s excesses. It does
seem like lyric matter has become more high-minded of late, especially
the political-leaning bands. But as for nerdiness, I think it’s always been
a part of punk, not from the cerebral point of view, but more viscerally.
When I celebrate the nerd in punk rock, it’s as much for the spastic,
outcast nature of a nerd as it is for the intellectual connotations. There’s a
danger of thinking too much, when what we really need is to spazz out.

ZF: While the general public isn’t all that conversant on the subject of plant
biochemistry, there is an increasing level of controversy (particularly outside

the U.S.) regarding the implications of bioengineering crops...Im thinking
of debates over the development and use of GMO crops, and the patenting of
particular forms of plant life. Does your specific work on plant genetics force

you to stake out positions on these issues, or ones like them? Is there a particu-

lar set of ethics or politics that inform your research?

54 PUNKADEMICS

MA: I don’t work directly on a crop plant, but a weed called Arabidopsis.
I view my research as more basic in nature, i.e. acquiring knowledge
about the organism. Nonetheless, there is an applied angle to everything
I do, and this definitely leaves me open to criticism from anti-GMO
people. As you implied, GMO plants are currently accepted by a good
portion of the American public; does this mean theyre OK? All I can
say is that breeders have been creating “recombinant plants” for many
decades without controversy, using traditional genetics; we are not doing
anything radically different from that. And there are definitely checks
and balances against creating so-called “monster” plants; the USDA
makes sure of that. My feeling is, technological advances in agriculture
will be essential in order to boost crop production enough to feed an
ever-growing world. No risk means no boost in production and more
starving people, and that is a much worse fate.

ZF: Can biochemistry help us to achieve ALL?

MA: MUGMUGMUG. ...of course! Having said that, I’m a firm believer
in moderation. Do what you need to get that edge, but don’t go over the
edge. Too much, and youre only achieving ALL in your head, but not
in reality.

ZF: I assume that the Descendents and Bad Religion have shared the stage
more than a few times, and Im curious about your encounters with fellow
punkademic, Greg Graffin. Have the two of you had the opportunity to prop-
erly geek out together? Because I have an image in my head of the two of you
frenetically discussing the nuances of animal & plant biology on a tattered
couch in the backstage of a shitty club, while surrounded by tattooed drunk
punks who are either confused, intrigued, or both. Has this scene ever played
itself out?

MA: It’s odd, but I don’t think I’ve ever met Greg. He’s a great singer and
lyricist (I loved Suffer), but actually we inhabit two separate biological
spheres, so I don’t know if we'd be able to geek out too much. I would
be interested in hearing how he handled post-PhD life in academia, i.e.
whether it met his expectations (I can say for me, it didn’t).

ZF: Can you name the chemical composition of caffeine off the top of your head?

MA: I remember making a point of knowing this when I was an under-
grad. One night, after too many bonus cups [of coffee] mixed with beers,

MILO WENT TO COLLEGE 55

I tried to draw out the chemical reaction of caffeine with ethanol (poor
man’s speedball?)...I think I ended up with putrescine as an end product.
Ah, college days.

ZF: If punk could be isolated as a chemical compound, what would it look
like?

MA: My rendition of the ultimate punk protein is below; I call it the
FTW protein. The “zinc finger” is an actual structure found in certain
regulatory proteins, and there also exists a related protein structure called
a “zinc knuckle.” The FTW protein consists of four zinc knuckles and
one zinc finger, in a tandem array. The placement of the zinc finger in the
middle position is crucial for its function...and, of course, its function is
self-explanatory.

Oo 0

of

56

PUNKADEMICS

NOTES
Rick Reger, “Descendents Still Playing By Own Rules,” Chicago Tribune,
December 2, 1996; Mike Powsner, “Milo Aukerman: The Nerd King of
Punk Rock,” Yo Beat #8 (Summer, 1998). Online at http://www.yobeat.
com/aukerman.htm.

Thanks to Andy Cornell for contributing ideas for questions.

RYAN MOORE

ON BECOMING A PUNK
ROCK SOCIOLOGIST

1 WAS BORN in Long Beach, CA and raised in the adjacent city of San
Pedro, graduating from San Pedro High School in 1988. Id like to
be able to tell you all about how I was influenced by our hometown
heroes, the Minutemen, or Black Flag, or the Descendents, or any of
the other hardcore bands that emerged from the nearby cities of Los
Angeles’ South Bay at this time. I can imagine a really good story about
how the radical politics and do-it-yourself ethic of the local hardcore
scene would inspire me to become the Marxist sociologist I am today.
However, that story would be a lie, because the truth is that my paths
to both punk rock and radical sociology were never that direct or linear.
And, I’m just not that cool.

In high school I was a devout partisan of thrash metal bands like
Slayer, Metallica, Anthrax and a couple dozen others with a more limited
following. By the second half of the 1980s the California hardcore scene
had fizzled out. There was this one punk dude who had “Minor Threat”
written on the jacket he wore to school every day, but I didn’t know any-
thing about them because the only people I hung out with were other
longhairs and stoners. Still, there was a lot of punk influence in thrash
metal, which was less about devils and dragons and more about indict-
ing real world authorities, creating a local scene with indie record labels,
and maintaining a veneer of authenticity that mocked the posturing and
pomposity usually associated with heavy metal

My headbanging roots notwithstanding, I almost voted for George
Bush in the first election I was old enough to vote in, until my mother
talked me out of it at the last minute. Like many other metal heads, I
was personally rebellious but my half-baked political views amounted to
nothing more than simple, knee-jerk libertarianism. I was entranced by
power, enthralled by violence, and envious of wealth, and I also hated

58 PUNKADEMICS

people I thought were weak or dependent, so it probably isn’t surprising
that I almost voted for Bush.

I had begun college during that fall of 1988, as my parents were eager
for me to leave my troublemaking metal friends behind and move north
to attend San Jose State University. It wasn’t long before I found myself
in classes taught by veterans of the New Left. One of them was Professor
Douglas Dowd, who had been part of the Monthly Review editorial team
with Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy and cofounded the National Mobiliza-
tion to End the War in Vietnam. Dowd would typically begin his classes
in Microeconomics with some thoughts about Marx or Ricardo before
launching into a series of tirades that indiscriminately covered everything
from the wastefulness of capitalism to the insanity of war and national-
ism to the cruelty of child labor. This 70-plus year-old man would yell
and point and curse and then stop suddenly, look out the window, and
silently shake his head while muttering something about the insanity of
our world. Many of the students in class were horrified and stopped at-
tending after the first two weeks, but I was captivated. One day Dowd
recited the lyrics to John Lennon's “Imagine” and asked the class if that
sounded like the kind of world any of us would want to live in, and I
was the only student to raise my hand. “Then youre a God-damn Com-
munist!” he shouted at me.

O.K., so I guess ’m a Communist now. This was admittedly a major
political about-face, but to this day I think my metal roots and cultural
rebelliousness prepared me to embrace this stigmatized, marginalized po-
litical identity. I had grown up in a working-class seaport with a vague
sense that the world wasn’t right, and now I was engrossed in my educa-
tion to try and understand why. I was listening to the Bay Area’s progres-
sive radio station KPFA and reading everything I could get my hands
on, especially Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States. My
identity and style morphed from headbanger to something like a retro
countercultural radical as I became absorbed in Todd Gitlin’s The Sixties:
Years of Hope, Days of Rage and anything else I could read or watch about
the Sixites, Students for a Democratic Society, and the counterculture.

I enrolled in a social theory class the following semester, and it was
there that I read Marx for the first time and met my friend Mike Rob-
erts, who today is also a Sociology professor at San Diego State. Mike
and I started a left campus organization and worked on publishing a
newspaper that was unfortunately sabotaged by some other students just
before it was about to be printed. Our social theory professor, Talmadge
Wright, had also started a group called the Student Homeless Alliance
in which we became involved. This was late 1990, and the United States

ON BECOMING A PUNK ROCK SOCIOLOGIST 59

was gearing up for our first war with Iraq, so Mike and I began working
with other campus activists to create an anti-war coalition and organize
an anti-war demonstration. I experienced my first 15 seconds of fame
when my speech commencing the demonstration was sound-bitten for
the local TV news.

At this time I knew a lot of people who were into punk rock, but
my tastes hadn’t progressed that far yet. Some of my friends regularly
made trips up to Berkeley to go to the Gilman Street club, but I never
went. They played Dag Nasty, Green Day, and Big Drill Car for me
but I absolutely hated all that melody. I thought it was cool that Bad
Religion could reference Noam Chomsky and the like, but to this day
their singer’s voice drives me crazy. One of my roommates was really
into Fugazi, and although they've since become one of my favorite bands
they just didn’t compute to me at that time. What my metal years had
prepared me for was grunge and the whole Sub Pop/Seattle scene, so of
course I took to Mudhoney and Soundgarden almost instantly. And then
more locally there was Primus, Mr. Bungle, Psychefunkapus, the Lim-
bomaniacs, and a bunch of other bands that formed a metal-funk-punk
scene in the Bay Area.

By now my career goals had changed such that I wanted to go to
graduate school and hopefully grow up to be a tenured radical like my
professors. UC Santa Cruz was known to have a lot of Marxist and radi-
cal faculty members, especially in the Sociology department, and so |
transferred there in the fall of 1991. I did an internship with Capital-
ism, Nature, Socialism, the journal of Marxist ecology founded by James
O’Connor, and worked with the Bay Area activist Frank Bardacke on a
project about farm workers. Other than that, however, there were a lot
of people who talked radical politics at UC Santa Cruz but there wasn’t
a lot of action — a possible result of the campus’s relatively isolated loca-
tion in the mountains of central California. I joked with friends: if a
bunch of students demonstrate in the forest and there is no TV crew
there to film them, do they make a sound? My only brush with revolu-
tion was accidentally getting hit in the side of the head with some sort
of firecracker on the night of the Rodney King riots as the Santa Cruz
students marched into town and trashed the local police department
headquarters.

Nirvana’ Nevermind came out during my first semester at Santa
Cruz. I remember that for weeks I would walk around the dorms and
count how many rooms were blaring “Smells Like Teen Spirit” or some
other song from the album. I knew it was a really big deal when the
dreadlocked hippie kids who spent all day playing hacky sack and, as far

60 PUNKADEMICS

I knew, listened to nothing but reggae and the Grateful Dead were sud-
denly talking about how much they wanted to see Nirvana when they
came to San Francisco. The next two years or so would represent the pin-
nacle of the alternative rock/Lollapalooza era. Then the questions began:
Did Nirvana sell out? Is alternative the new mainstream? Did I really just
see a runway model wearing Doc Marten’s? Does anyone know anyone
who likes to be called “Generation X”? Did that douchebag on the TV
really just tell me that the new Subaru Impreza is just like punk rock?

At Santa Cruz I took a great class in the history of U.S. imperial-
ism in Central America, read the Frankfurt School for the first time,
and wrote research papers about the Black Panthers, American foreign
policy, and the Wobblies. But by this time I had also been introduced to
cultural studies, both in my courses on mass media and popular culture
and in my conversations with activists who were influenced by iden-
tity politics and postmodernism. My relationship to cultural studies, as I
discuss in more detail below, has always been deeply ambivalent. In the
context of all these questions about alternative culture and Generation X,
I could see that the issues raised by cultural studies about youth subcul-
tures, hegemony, and resistance were still very pertinent and could not
be ignored. I was especially taken with Lawrence Grossberg’s We Gotta
Get Outta This Place, which as any reader of the book knows, is loaded
with pomo jargon but still raises what I thought were prescient questions
about postmodern society, the ironic cynicism of youth culture, and the
role that these phenomena had somehow played in maintaining the he-
gemony of conservatism.

I wrote a senior thesis under the direction of Professor Herman Gray
about the media coverage of the movement against the Gulf War and
graduated from UC Santa Cruz in the spring of 1993. I was on my way
to graduate school and chose to enroll in the Sociology program at UC
San Diego because it advertised itself as having a strong emphasis in
culture, which had quickly become my main field of interest. My first
two years of graduate school were a rude awakening. I had chosen to
study sociology because as an undergraduate it seemed so interdisciplin-
ary and open-ended, like it was the best of all possible homes for my
combination of interests in critical theory, radical politics, social history,
and cultural studies. But as a graduate student I quickly discovered that
professional sociology was a different animal altogether.

In time I learned that the Sociology department at UC San Diego
had indeed specialized in culture at one point in its history, but in recent
years there had been a major shift toward historical-comparative sociol-
ogy, and those faculty always seemed to be repeating the mantra that they

ON BECOMING A PUNK ROCK SOCIOLOGIST 61

were trying to make the program more “professional,” “competitive,” and
“rigorous.” Yuk. Moreover, what the department did offer in terms of
culture was mainly rooted in the apolitical traditions of microsociology
like symbolic interactionism and ethnomethodology. Double yuk. For-
tunately, critical theory and cultural studies had made strong inroads in
UCSD’s departments of communication and literature, and in ethnic
studies I discovered Professor George Lipsitz, who would serve as a de
facto mentor in my study of neo-Marxist theories of culture.

San Diego was home to a bustling alternative music scene centered at
a club called the Casbah, and I began going to shows there on a regular
basis. After the success of Nirvana and other grunge bands, the major
labels had gone scouting for new alternative rock acts to sign, and San
Diego was one of a number of cities that was pegged as a potential “next
Seattle.” Seven San Diego bands had signed with major labels during this
time, and everyone from Rolling Stone to Details to the E! Television Net-
work had done feature stories about the local scene. Beyond the hype, I
discovered that there was indeed an exciting and musically diverse scene,
and I instantly became a fan of the spastic noise of Trumans Water, Drive
Like Jehu, and Heavy Vegetable, the retro punk of Rocket From the
Crypt, and the cyborg prog rock of Three Mile Pilot.

I was beginning to envision a dissertation project that brought to-
gether the cultural studies focus on music and subcultures with the so-
ciological methods of ethnography and the neo-Marxist inquiry into the
place of culture in post-Fordist capitalism. How all those pieces of the
puzzle actually fit together would be something I would have to figure
out along the way. Unfortunately, most of my sociology professors were
vocally unsupportive of this idea. I had impressed many of them with
my self-motivated interest in social theory, but for them music was a
frivolous concern without any real sociological import. When I told the
professor in my field methods seminar what I planned to do, he replied
with a snarky tone, “It sounds like you're just going to hang out with
your friends.” Another one begged me to do something else — anything
else, really — because I was “too close” to my project, and he eventually
removed himself from my committee when I refused.

In actuality, I didn’t have any friends inside the scene, and rather than
being “too close” I constantly felt like an outsider because not only was I
not a musician, I was this geeky grad student who had all these esoteric
theoretical and political questions about music and the scene. Lots of
people told me that my project sounded like “fun,” and it was fun to go
shows and hear live music in what I thought was a great scene, but it was
nerve-wracking as hell to approach these people in a club and awkwardly

62 PUNKADEMICS

ask them if we could arrange an interview. Let’s just say I found myself
drinking a lot of “liquid courage” during those years.

Getting into the local scene enhanced my political consciousness, not
because the bands themselves were concerned with political issues (most
of them weren’t), but because I could see how they had formed a commu-
nity based on creative work and participation. It wasn’t a dogmatic scene
of the sort advocated in the pages of Maximumrocknroll, and therefore a
great variety of musical styles and influences could be thrown together
without apology. And so I began to see the form of democratic cultural
production as more significant than the content of any particular politi-
cal protest or “message.” This understanding of “punk” as a method of
production rather than a specific style or sound opened up whole vistas
of possibility and informed my belated musical education. Maybe I can
explain it this way: Drive Like Jehu led me back to Fugazi and then even
further back to Wire and then forward to the Minutemen and Hiisker
Dii and then back again to the Gang of Four and Television. See, I told
you my path to punk was ass-backwards.

While the Casbah and other local nightclubs were becoming a second
home for me, I was still suffering from quite a bit of intellectual homeless-
ness on campus. I was getting a lot more out of the graduate courses I was
taking in other departments, so I stopped enrolling in sociology seminars
after completing my minimum amount of required coursework and came
very close to dropping out of the program. I took a position as a teach-
ing assistant in an interdisciplinary freshman-level writing course, where
the levels of overwork were legendary. Before long I had become heavily
involved with the effort to unionize the academic student employees at
the University of California and would be elected to serve on the strike
committee as we planned a number of strategies for work stoppage. This
took me further out of the bounds of the Sociology department, as my
social circle was now mainly composed of humanities students who were
involved with me in organizing the T-A. union. Intellectually, however, I
never embraced the kind of cultural studies that is practiced in the hu-
manities, where meaning is mainly located in the “text” and acts of resis-
tance are conceived as symbolic matters of reading and style. I was still
fundamentally concerned with social process, and the Marxist in me still
sought to link culture back to social structure. My experiences in the music
scene redoubled these convictions: resistance was a matter of how people
organized their community and engaged in creative work, not what people
wore, how they cut their hair, or what they sang about in their lyrics.

My intellectual homelessness was glaringly evident and became a
huge liability when I went on the job market for the first time in the

ON BECOMING A PUNK ROCK SOCIOLOGIST 63

fall of 1999. It seems that what transpired in my graduate program was
something like a microcosm of what was happening in American sociol-
ogy in general. There has been a great expansion of interest and research
in culture among American sociologists since the 1980s, but these cul-
tural sociologists have taken great pains to distinguish and insulate them-
selves from the broader field of cultural studies. The studies of popular
culture and media, much less popular music, are very few and far be-
tween. American cultural sociology is significantly more conventional,
eager to be accepted within the mainstream of the discipline, and rarely
engaged with questions of power and resistance. Don’t take my word for
it, listen to what one of the leading proponents has to say in its favor:
“American cultural sociology is conservative rather than revolutionary in
its academic program, unlike the British cultural studies model which
has attempted to transgress disciplinary boundaries and create a com-
pletely new academic and discursive field.”’

No matter what kind of theoretical and methodological spin I try to
put on it, my work reeks of cultural studies simply because it is has the
word punk attached to it. I sent out over 100 job applications during my
first 3 years on the market without landing a single on-campus interview.
I nearly gave up on the idea of an academic career on several occasions,
but a lack of other marketable skills and job experience made me feel
trapped, and I still had a deep intellectual passion, not necessarily for
sociology but for understanding social processes and contributing to so-
cial change. Fortunately I was able to hang on as an adjunct instructor of
sociology at UC San Diego, as my courses on popular culture and youth
attracted very high student enrollments; I taught a total of nearly 1,000
students during my final year there in 2001-02.

As my contract with UC San Diego and a long-term romantic rela-
tionship both came to an end at virtually the same time, I found myself
living with my mother and collecting unemployment in late 2002. I
was ready to give up on academia once and for all when I miraculously
got a temporary position at the University of Kansas that began in the
Spring 2003 semester and lasted through the 2003-04 school year. I sent
out another heap of job applications but still couldn’t land a satisfactory
tenure-track position, so I accepted another temporary appointment at
Colgate University for 2004-05.

In 2005 I finally landed a tenure-track position at Florida Atlantic
University. It’s not a prestigious school by any means, but it’s a good
place for a punk like me: lots of older, “non-traditional” and working-
class students, many of whom have roots in the Caribbean. Securing a
permanent academic home has afforded me the time to finally finish

64 PUNKADEMICS

turning my dissertation into a book titled Sells Like Teen Spirit: Music,
Youth Culture, and Social Crisis which was published by New York Uni-
versity Press in 2009. Meanwhile, American sociology continues to as-
pire to the status of a science along the lines of economics and political
science while attempting to avoid the stigma of the humanities conferred
by cultural studies, and so there is no reason to expect that the study of
punk or any other form of music will be moving into the center of the
discipline any time soon. But somehow this feels like the appropriate
place for a punk rock sociologist: screaming from the margins, denounc-
ing the mainstream, and maybe — just maybe — developing the new ideas
that are destined to shake up the establishment.

NOTES
1 Phillip Smith, Zhe New American Cultural Sociology (Cambridge: Cam-

bridge University Press, 1998), p. 9.

CURRY MALOTT

FINDING BALANCE IN THE
ACADEMY

FINISHING MY PHD in 2004 took me to Brooklyn College/CUNY where
I took what they call a Substitute Line, which is a full time position, but
without the institutional security of a tenure-track job. You are basically
hired on a semester-by-semester basis. Your standing is probationary. I
did not transition into professor life very well. Living a few blocks from
campus, I remained (and still do) a hardcore punk rock skateboarder,
but without any strategic room for adaptability. I was still suffering de-
moralization from having a social movement I helped start in Southern
New Mexico infiltrated and destroyed.! I was never really accepted by the
majority of faculty as legitimate or serious — I was too resistant to accept
university culture. However, my classes were outstanding at Brooklyn
College, which has left me a legacy there. I was also active in the union
where I worked with students doing punk rock street theatre protesting
contract disputes.

After leaving Brooklyn College as a result of being pushed out, I went
to D’Youville College in Buffalo, New York where I learned to find bal-
ance and develop the ability to focus, intensely, on developing my critical
pedagogy through becoming a better writer/researcher/scholar and criti-
cal educator.’ For me, this has included, among other things, learning to
identify where power resides, understanding how it operates, and then
devising methods of challenging if for a more democratic, less-oppressive
future through the development of a community of activist scholars. In
short, revitalizing my social movement background in the context of
academia. Enduring the cold winters in Buffalo, NY in a small studio
apartment, in an old downtown building, with no car, and living on a
low wage working at a very humble institution with very little money,
taught me humility. Outside of Buffalo, very few academics have ever
even heard of D’youville College. That does not necessarily make one feel

66 PUNKADEMICS

special or important in the world of academia. Raised in the competitive
fervor of U.S. dominant society, it is most difficult not to succumb to
its pressures. That is, while punk rock strives to reject and live outside
of dominant society, it is difficult not to be influenced by its hierarchical
values of prestige. At the same time, however, I know that it is good for
critical pedagogy to have critical pedagogues at well-respected universi-
ties. If leading critical intellectuals did not hold important positions at
the most well-respected institutions, it would be much easier to discredit
the Left.

Despite these contradictory motivations, my epistemological and on-
tological punk rock desire to stay out of reach of cooptation has led me
to become a very effective, and very critical classroom teacher and activist
scholar. When I am teaching or observing student teachers I no longer
wear my punk uniform; I traded it in for a more intense and critical
pedagogy and content. This has made me more acceptable, on an insti-
tutional level, and more effective at the student level. By no means do
I intend this to be taken as a prescription. It is working for me, a white
male from working class southern Ohio, but that does not mean it is the
answer for others. It was not the answer for me five years ago and it may
not be the answer for me five or ten years down the road. Currently, I
am working at West Chester University as an Assistant Professor and am
making great personal gains in honing more practice and skill. To make
these determinations and have this consciousness, however, I must stay
open to the late critical pedagogue Joe L. Kincheloe’s insight that:

“In their search for ways to produce democratic and evoca-
tive knowledges, critical constructivists become detectives of
new ways of seeing and constructing the world.”?

NOTES

1 See Curry Malott, Policy and Research in Education: A Critical Pedagogy
for Educational Leadership (New York: Peter Lang, 2010).

2 Curry Malott, “Schooling in an Era of Corporate Dominance: Marxism
Against Burning Tires,” Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, Vol.
4, No.1 (2006).

3 Joe Kincheloe, Critical Constructivism Primer, (New York: Peter Lang,
2005), p. 4.

WALEED RASHIDI

PUNK ROCK DOCS:
A QUALITATIVE STUDY'

“WOULD YOU STOP WORRYING ABOUT THE PUNKS?
THEY'RE JUST A BUNCH OF KIDS WITH GROWING
PAINS. THEY'LL PROBABLY BE DOCTORS AND LAWYERS
SOMEDAY.”

- FROM THE TELEVISION PROGRAM CHIPS

OVERVIEW
THIS RESEARCH INVESTIGATES a group of punk rock musicians with
doctoral-level education via a series of in-depth interviews. The study
aims to develop a stronger understanding of punk rock musicians’ mo-
tivations, justifications, philosophies and conclusions regarding the
way they balance a punk rock lifestyle and persona with careers in aca-
demic and/or highly intellectual professions (e.g. medical, legal, scien-
tific). Though such highly educated punk musicians are a minor subset
of the punk genre’s total population, this segment contradicts many
of the negative perceptions about punk rock as well as the messages
relayed by mainstream media and culture that have often stereotyped
punk rockers as uneducated, antisocial, delinquent, or violent.? Such
balancing acts and contradictions serve as the study’s point of entry.

EXCLUSIONARY /INCLUSIONARY

FACTORS

The primary criteria for the study’s participants include being musi-
cians in the punk rock music scene and having been students in a doctoral

68 PUNKADEMICS

program. Musicians may be self-described as punk rock, or may hail from
an ancillary scene that is related to punk rock (e.g., emo, hardcore). The
selected participants must have performed in a touring band in the Ameri-
can punk scene for a minimum of two years and have at least one domesti-
cally distributed, commercially-available album recording to their credit.
These minimum requirements formed a participant population that had
strong insight into the commercial operations and background of the U.S.
punk rock scene. Participants must also have doctoral degrees, though an
experienced punk rock musician whose status is A.B.D. (all but disserta-
tion) also qualified as a participant for this study.

RESULTS

A number of in-depth interviews were conducted in the winter and
spring of 2008. The responses from the participant population were tran-
scribed and analyzed. Each response was then parsed into sections that
were subsequently coded into categories that included: Upbringing, Cur-
rent Occupation, Education, Punk Ideology/Philosophy, Recurring Words,
Time Management, Negotiation of Identity, Personality, and Intellectual-
ism in Punk Rock. Coded responses in each category were then further
subcategorized into ‘aspects’ that are meant to offer more exacting detail
about what constitutes the broader categories themselves. Interview ex-
cerpts are presented here for a more transparent understanding of the
data that led to the formulation of each category.

The first category, Upbringing, includes the aspects parents’ education,
motivation, socio-economic status, and punk attraction. In regard to parents
education, most participants hailed from a background that included at
least one parent with an advanced degree and had been (or currently is)
employed in a highly regarded profession, such as university professor, at-
torney, and engineer. One participant detailed his parents’ background,
“Both of my parents were college professors. My mom taught at Michi-
gan State University and my dad taught at University of Michigan. Both
taught sociology and both were PhDs.” Another participant, a psychologist
who specializes in adolescents, also noted his parents’ educational creden-
tials, including the fact that he and his mother have similar educational
backgrounds: “My mom has her master’s degree in child psychology, ironi-
cally enough, and my dad has his doctorate in chemical engineering.”

In the next aspect, motivation, it was found that participants were
either self-motivated to pursue higher education and advanced degrees,
or that they were encouraged by parents or other authority figures. With
respect to self-motivation, one participant, who had entered a history

PUNK ROCK DOCS 69

graduate program stated, “So when I went back to [graduate school],
you know, I was like, “Well, I had done the English thing, I had done the
philosophy thing, I don’t know nearly enough about history.’ And in part
it was because I started reading history on my own shortly after I gradu-
ated, when I moved to San Francisco with the band.” Two participants
said that career paths and educational pursuits were established at a very
young age. One stated, “I always had aspirations to do something profes-
sional. I was going to become a doctor since I was seven years old. That's
kind of been my whole push.” Another provided a similar answer, even
in reference to the timeframe, “I always knew I wanted to be a lawyer,
like from the time I was five or six. I just always knew. It just, my brain
was wired that way. You know, a lot of kids, they want to be this, they
want to be that, but I pretty much knew.” Other responses suggest the
role of outside influences in participants’ decisions to pursue professions
that required advanced degrees. One notes, “It was always expected that
I would go to college, even though I started [music] when I was 15.” An-
other participant said, “In the area that I was raised, college was like 13"
grade. It’s just [...] what you did.” Furthermore, one participant had not
actually thought about completing his undergraduate education until
motivated by a guidance counselor:

I was walking through the halls of community college, and I
was a straight ‘A’ student there. And the guidance counselor,
who I didnt really know, sort of saw me in the hall and he
said, ‘Hey, you know, what are you going to do when youre
done this spring?’ And I hadn’t given it any thought, so I
talked to him a little bit about it just informally in the hall,
and he said, “Well, you know, these colleges have some great
scholarship programs.’

In discussing the socio-economic status aspect of the participants’ up-
bringings, almost all had stated that they were from middle-to-upper
class households. Class was mentioned in a few interviews, including
one participant, who stated, “You know [...] I went to high school in
an upper middle-class suburban community. You know, one of those
high schools that’s allegedly, you know, one of the top few in the state,
blah blah blah.” Another participant said, “And I don’t come from a
very wealthy family at all, you know, probably very solidly middle-class
family.” Other ways of determining socio-economic status could be as-
certained from the occupations of the respondents’ parents, including
a particularly revealing statement from this participant, “This is weird

70 PUNKADEMICS

because this is going to sound like, and I don’t mean this in, like, a
bragging way, but just because I know you're looking for these common
denominators or not in background — they were very high up, especially
my father, in state government.”

Punk attraction is also a particularly noteworthy aspect to the par-
ticipants’ upbringing, in that many were attracted to punk rock music
and the punk lifestyle at an early age — mostly before they enrolled in
college — and some found that it helped shape their decision-making
at later junctures in life. As adolescents, some noted that alienation was
cause for their gravitation towards the punk aesthetic. One participant
first discovered punk rock around the ages of 15-16, using a metaphor to
explain his attraction, “Well, I was alienated. And, you know, it was like
all of a sudden, it was like I was wandering around in another country
where I didn’t speak the language, and then I met somebody who spoke
my language. And fell in love.” Such alienation, he continues, stems from
the lack of interest in athletics, a particularly powerful determinant in
adolescent male social circles:

If youre a man in this society, and you suck at sports [...]
ages 7 to 14 are [a] pretty outright hostile [...] period in
which to live...Your ‘malehood, if there’s such a word, is
defined essentially by, you know, if not excellence in sports,
at least competence. Sort of not having that was a pretty ter-
rifying experience for me...I think that’s an extreme experi-
ence with alienation. And then like, to learn about politics
and the, you know, Reagan government and the, you know,
the Cold War and McCarthyism and all that shit. In the
town I lived in, I was just like, “God. This place is a night-
mare’...So, I was pissed and alienated and like, punk just
spoke to it so directly and in such a visceral way. My first
show was Reagan Youth and, you know, it was exactly about
everything I was pissed about.

Others echoed such sentiment, particularly in the formation of an
identity:

I was a teenager and wanted to create an identity, and the
punk scene was in its infancy here in L.A., so it was a very
exciting time to be an L.A. punk...as a teenager, you dont
really understand what youre doing. You just feel good,
when you feel like youre a part of something. It’s a social

PUNK ROCK DOCS va)

connection, it’s something, and if that social group can be a
unique group, you can tell youre different from others. That
gave me even greater satisfaction, knowing that it was some-
thing unique. And by unique, I realize that we didn’t invent
anything. But you sure feel unique when youre a minority
in and amongst the kind of culture that it was back then.

Lastly, responses also included the fact that punk rock was decidedly
easier to play than other rock music derivations — particularly during
the time period of many of the participants’ introduction to the genre,
and that such simplistic empowerment was crucial in the development
of their musical careers. According to one participant, “Punk was the
antithesis of progressive rock. You didn’t have to be classically trained to
play punk. And I think that was very attractive, that we could actually be
in the band.” Another stated, “It was like, you listen to the Ramones first
record, like ‘Beat On The Brat’ [...] and even as an 11- or 12-year-old,
youre listening to this, going, [...] “Wow, I could do that too. That seems
like something I could do.”

The second category, Current Occupation, yielded the aspects author-
ity, self-employment/autonomy, punk-professional interrelations, and punk
values in occupation. The first aspect, authority, suggested that nearly all
of the participants were employed in influential positions within their
respective fields, whether over others in their occupation, or in the case
of professors, an influence in the classroom with students and colleagues.
One participant, who holds a rank in the U.K. academic system equiva-
lent to a U.S. Assistant Professor, is also charged with running his own
academic research group, and is thus an authority on two levels:

So, yeah, my basic job is to write grants, get money and
then hire people. And right now I’ve got about eight people
working for me. So I’ve got three post-doctoral fellows, a
couple Ph.D. students and an M.Sc. student, a master’s
student, and a technician and visiting scientists, so that’s
kind of [...] how it works...mainly doing research and then
you do some teaching.

Another participant, a physician, is deputized with overseeing his im-
mediate hospital staff as well as other aspects of emergency care, “’m
actually not only an emergency physician there, but I’m also the EMS
medical director, so I’m in charge of the medical direction for the emer-
gency medical systems, which includes the paramedics and pre-hospital

72 PUNKADEMICS

care that goes out to the patients. It’s four different providers out there
picking up the patients.”

Some participants found their autonomous occupational positions to
be not only conducive to their schedules — especially for those who are
currently performing and touring musicians — but also a reflection of their
punk rock philosophy, i.e. being independent from outside constraints.
In regard to a prevailing do-it-yourself culture at his current occupation,
one participant noted, “I think it was easy for me to embrace this kind of
research lifestyle, because of the fact that I always felt like, when we were
doing our music, that we had to put in all this effort to make it happen.
We had to organize our T-shirts, we had to organize our [merchandise] and
our music, and write the songs, and you wore a lot of different hats. And I
feel like that same sort of spirit is also in my research career, so I think that
aspect of it does translate over.” Another participant, a psychologist with
his own private practice, stated that his choice for se/femployment was, in
itself, punk rock, “Yeah, being self-employed is very punk, and it’s some-
thing that I always kind of fantasized about when I was younger.”

Within their present occupations, there was a distinct divide between
whether the participants accepted an infusion of their pre-established punk
values and/or background into their professional settings, or whether they
purposefully tried to sever these ties once they entered their respective pro-
fessions. Some had elected to keep aspects of their musical careers out of
the workplace, as evidenced by this participant’s response, “You know, in a
lot of ways, I keep my band life very separate from my [professional] career
life, which is just a boundary that ’'m comfortable with.” Another partici-
pant, who is employed as a science lecturer at a university, added, “No, ’m
actually very careful not to infuse values into science. It’s really important.
And it’s not a soapbox up there.” To the contrary, other participants spoke
of how their punk background and history had merged with their profes-
sional pursuits, including another university science professor, “I kind of
got that training, that life training, if you will, from being in these sorts
of bands, you know, to think creatively, to solve problems that are kind of
outside the box sort of thinking, if you will [...]”

Another aspect, punk values in occupation, emerged after partici-
pants acknowledged that their interpretation of the punk value system
had indeed been incorporated within their professional careers. One of
these values includes the idea of bucking stereotypes, as detailed by this
participant:

It’s a matter of you standing for...I mean, hell, I’m a 6-foot-
5 black guy with dreadlocks who's a physician. People have

PUNK ROCK DOCS 73

to make assumptions when they see you. I’m like bucking
their assumptions right there. When I walk right into the
room, it’s like, “You don’t look like a doctor.’ My first words
out of my mouth are, ‘What does a doctor look like?’ I
mean, right there, it’s affronting their whole belief system
and showing them that there’s another way to be.

Another participant, an adolescent psychologist, spoke of a similar
way in which punk values affect his work, “It informs my career in that
I want to challenge, especially with boys...I want to offer an alternative
construction of masculinity.”

The third category presented, Education, includes the aspects school
selection and success compulsion. In regard to school selection, many sought
undergraduate and graduate programs that were fitting for their majors
and eventual career goals, while others just had a generally positive over-
all feeling about the school. Most notably, some participants used prox-
imity to punk scenes and bandmates as factors in choosing schools and
respective programs. One participant noted, “I was like, ‘fuck it, Pll go to
U of I’ My best friend was going there, you know, I was super involved
[at] that point in the [city, state] punk rock scene.” Another stated, “I
ultimately went to [...] Washington University at St. Louis, which is
also very strong in biology and biomedical sciences, too. Part of my deci-
sion again there, was proximity to Lafayette. Obviously St. Louis is only
about a four or five hour drive from Lafayette, versus being on the West
Coast. But I could still kind of do music a bit, as much as I could with
the guys and that sort of thing.” One participant, however, selected his
graduate program due to the fact that his school had rebelled against
another program with which it was once associated, “It also had a very
kind of ‘punk’ tradition that I found appealing.”

The second aspect of the Education category is success compulsion. This
refers to the way participants felt challenged or compelled to succeed in
both their musical and academic endeavors. One participant explained,
“It's one of those things where you think of a manifest destiny, where
you go, ‘Hey, I’m thinking of this, I want to do this. I am going to do it.’
It’s like that book The Secret, or whatever. It is just a matter of something
I wanted to do. And it’s what always interested me. And I attained that
goal.” Some participants noted the influence of other punk rockers that
attained doctorates, even referencing them by name during the course
of our interviews. For example, the participant quoted above also stated,
“When I heard about the guy from [punk band name] or when you hear
about [other punk rocker with doctorate], and you go, “Those are the

74 PUNKADEMICS

guys that I idolize and they’re doing something, it’s like, “Whoa, what
the hell? I could do that too.’ That’s why I had a kinship with this stuff”

Another category that had surfaced is Punk Ideology/Philosophy. This
is a core category due to the fact that it is considered to be very personal,
highly subjective and interpretive, given that punk rock itself does not have
clearly demarcated boundaries of what it is considered ‘acceptable’ for the
genre, either musically or philosophically. However, after interviewing the
participants, I discovered that nearly all responses could be categorized and
coded into one of three aspects: questioning, ethical foundations, and com-
munity. Questioning was mentioned in the context of challenging the status
quo and/or being intellectually provocative. Some of the viewpoints shared
around questioning included one from this participant:

The whole punk rock thing is questioning authority..-youre
told one thing, and yourre like, “What the hell, that doesn’t
make any sense.’ And you investigate and you go, ‘Really. It
doesn’t make any sense!’ And that’s something that I think is
a punk rock sentiment..-you question things that are actu-
ally told to you...And that, in my opinion, might be one of
the reasons why you find a lot of academics that come out
of punk rock because of a questioning attitude. ..and thirst
to gain more knowledge about a topic.

Another participant said, “Being punk, I think, means always ques-
tioning and never settling. Always moving and always progressing. It
means challenging the status quo, whether it’s in the world at large or
within the punk scene.” This participant offered his views on questioning
as it relates to both his punk rock philosophy and his academic study
of philosophy, “I like to think at some level, the notion of questioning
the world around me, and accepting the fact that you don’t have to take
things as they're given to you, you don’t have to accept the standard
order of things, I think that’s partially what I was looking for in phi-
losophy, too.” Furthermore, one participant was able to relay the idea of
questioning as a punk rock philosophy within his occupation as a scien-
tist/academic: “It basically means that you're provocative, but not in a
violent way. You make people ask questions. You make them wonder...
The only way to search, the only way science really works is if you can
completely dismantle the framework of science by asking the questions
that haven't been asked before. And the only way you can do that is by
provoking people who are content with the way that this framework is
already erected.”

PUNK ROCK DOCS 75

Other punk rock musicians described an ethical foundation on which
they based their punk philosophy, which was partly tied to ethical busi-
ness practices. One participant noted, “I think it has a lot to do with
how you conduct your business in terms of touring and being fair to
other bands, and uh, being fair all around.” Another participant stated,
“T definitely define it as a community and an ethic and an approach,
[but] an approach to what is still, essentially, in some ways, a business.
As opposed to a certain music scene.” In addition to these responses,
some participants also expressed resistance towards mass marketing of
the punk sound and likeness. The ethical foundation of punk rock also
extended into aspects of community and the social organization of punk.
One participant noted:

I don’t even know if it’s a punk ideal anymore, but when it got
started punk was very tolerant; very much about accepting
people for who they were. It quickly became a fashion culture,
so there’s a lot of judgment of who wore certain clothes, versus
other clothes. That didn’t interest me at all, that part of it. The
part I liked is that if you were a misfit, you were welcomed in
the club. You were welcomed to come and be a part of this
community. And that was very attractive to me.

In understanding how the participants have been able to parse the
time between their professional obligations and their musical activities,
I found it necessary to include a category labeled Time Management.
The aspects of Time Management include time balance (between schooling/
bands), current time negotiation, and difficulties in time management. The
balance of performing in a punk band and being engaged in academia
was discussed throughout the interviews, with several taking time off of
school for their punk band-related activities (mainly touring and record-
ing), as noted by this participant, “I moved home to Jersey, moved in
with my folks, got like a social work job and started looking into grad
school and started a band. And then I did that for two years before I went
back to school. And my doctorate was a five-year program, but I took a
year off in the middle of it to tour.”

Two other participants recounted their decisions to put school on
hold for their musical endeavors. One stated:

Just at that moment, the first [participant’s band] record
was doing really well. We had broken up after the first tour
in ‘90 and basically, it was a choice of, ‘Do I stay in New

76

PUNKADEMICS

York and continue in academia, or do I do the band thing?’
I decided, ‘’m going to do the band, because I could always
come back to school.’ And so that was always in the back of
my mind. And so, eventually, when the band broke up in
“96, I started going back.

Another said, “We decided to [...] try to do it full-time for a while.

And that’s kind of when the whole [participant’s band] ‘thing’ happened
for us. So we took a break there from the academic thing for a few years,
and then ultimately, after two years, decided to eventually get back to it.”
However, others performed in bands while concurrently enrolled in their
academic programs, whether during vacations or throughout the school

year. One participant, who was touring in her band while simultaneously
attending law school, recalled her experience:

First semester of law school, [participant’s band] was still a
growing concern and you know, we did like a week-and-a-
half tour with [another band], which happened to be their
last tour. But I had class every day. So we would literally,
like, drive to Columbus, play a show with them, drive back
overnight so [participant’s name] can go to class. Drive back
to Cleveland. We were doing a tour, but making it back to
Chicago every day in between and that sucked.

Another participant recalls his experience with his band while at-

tending medical school, and how his prioritization ultimately led to the

demise of his band:

Well, things had to be neglected. But things that were never
neglected were school. That was the priority. That was the
thing. That was one of the reasons why the band broke up,
initially, because I had to start residency during one of our
last tours. So, [the] tour was going to go on, but I had to
start residency, so I was like, ‘Guys, I’ve gotta go. That’s

it.’ I had to leave in the middle of a tour because I had to
start residency. What was I going to do? Tell the residency
program, “Hey, you know what, one of your residents isn’t
going to be there, because I’m in a band right now tour-
ing, and I can’t make it in. Can you guys just have my calls
covered?’ No, it wasn’t going to go that way. My priority
number one was being a physician.

PUNK ROCK DOCS 77

Current time negotiation relates to the principles of maintaining a
schedule that is both conducive to performing in a punk band and work-
ing as a professional. This aspect includes employment scheduling, and
the consideration of family members and spouses. Since many partici-
pants are in positions of seniority at their respective workplaces, some
found it easy to create and maintain time schedules that would allow for
recording, touring, and band-related engagements. One participant is
employed in academia as a lecturer at a university during specific quar-
ters; his schedule is such that he is able to take time off from academia
to tour and record. In fact, he said that his band is where he generates a
majority of his income, which is not the case for nearly all the other par-
ticipants in this study, who have to generate their primary income from
their non punk-related occupations. However, there are times — particu-
larly in rehearsals for upcoming events or during recording sessions —
where an overlap of functions is possible for this particular participant,
as explained here:

The days start early, and they end late. But, you know, [...]
we'll spend our days here on campus, meeting with students
and lecturing. And then I head out of here by 4 or 5 p.m.,
and for instance, tonight, we'll be at the rehearsal studio

at 7:30 until probably 11:30. And some years — like last
year — after lecture, ’d zoom into Hollywood and we would
be recording a new album. I was there from 6 p.m. until
midnight every day.

Another participant, a private practitioner, explained that his balance
between his professional occupation and musical endeavors is manage-
able because he is selfemployed, and can therefore work as little or as
much as he chooses. This participant said that he works four days a week,
and is easily able to perform a string of Friday-Saturday-Sunday shows.
He often does not work mornings and therefore has time to make it
home by the start of a Monday workday:

Like most people have to come in after school or after work,
so I’m generally seeing people between 1 in the afternoon
and 10 at night. So [...] all the kinds of mechanics of being
in a band are much more doable. I can go to practice until
midnight, I can go to rehearsal until midnight, and then
sleep in. I can play Baltimore, D.C. and Richmond in the
same weekend, and still not miss any work. And I could,

78 PUNKADEMICS

you know, unlike the average working American, I can take
six weeks off a year, as long as it’s spread out, to tour.

Because all of the participants interviewed were older than 30, many
had spouses and children to factor into their time scheduling. This some-
times created additional complexity and difficulty, as explained by this
participant:

“I mean, sometimes no thought goes into it at all, and
sometimes I’m extremely stressed out. It’s mostly because
I’m married, and I don’t want my wife to be abandoned. I
don’t want her to be a music widow. And I’m real sensitive
to, you know, being available for her, and I’m [...] often
anxious about whether I’m pushing the limits a little bit, in
terms of how much time I’m away. So it’s not so much tak-
ing the time and making the time, it’s anxiety about making
the time. That’s what actually wears on me. I don’t want

to jeopardize my relationship, nor do I want to make her
unhappy. So, that’s the hardest part.”

Another participant mentioned that he had to receive his spouse’s bless-
ing: “In my situation, where ’'m married and I have a baby, you have to
have a very supportive spouse.” Another participant echoed a similar senti-
ment, “I have a very supportive family that allows me to do these sorts of
things...that makes it easy.” In addition to spouses and family consider-
ations, one participant also spoke of the changes in financial responsibility
that were linked to his participation in a punk band: “It’s different when
youre in your 20s, you're 21, 22, and you live in a house with a bunch
of other guys, and you know, maybe you pay a $100 or $150 a month
in rent...[but] I’m 35, and I’m married and I have a daughter, and three
dogs, and a mortgage and a business and everything like that, it just makes
it more difficult to leave for significant periods of time.”

Negotiating Identity is a category that relates to how the participants
view themselves in a punk rock context, how they believe they are per-
ceived by others for their punk rock and educational backgrounds, and
which stereotypes and assumptions are made about them because of their
backgrounds. The category also discusses how the participants believe
their lives have been affected because they are punk rock musicians who
have climbed the ranks of higher academia and are now in professional
employment positions. A number of aspects emerged from this particu-
lar category, including fan perception, professional colleague perception,

PUNK ROCK DOCS 79

lifestyle, prestige, stereotypes and assumptions, and punk musician. Regard-
ing fan perception, the participants often spoke about what they believed
their fans and supporters of their musical endeavors thought of their
educational and professional pursuits, either from information they re-
ceived directly from fans, or based on inferences. For the most part, par-
ticipants felt that their fans were largely accepting of the fact they had
advanced degrees and worked in professional settings. One mentioned
that a fan had actually been inspired to pursue higher academics based
on the fact that he had done so:

Some girl told me once, she emailed me, and said, she
went into medicine because of me, which is kind of cool.”
Another participant also had “direct evidence” about
inspiring fans to engage in such professional pursuits based
on his profession, “A lot of fans write to me, and say, ‘I
wouldn't have gone to college if it wasn’t for [participant's
band name]’ and ‘I’m becoming a biologist because of your
lyrics.’ So I mean, I have some pretty direct evidence that
some students are affected by it.

However, another participant felt that although she was accepted
by her fans, she wasn’t always completely in step with her fellow punk
rock musicians because of her professional background, “But I definitely
think other musicians-promoters were always cool with it, and writers
were always very into it — but you know, I felt sometimes like it set me
apart from other musicians. Like I didn’t totally fit in because there was
this other side of me, always.”

The aspect professional colleague perception compartmentalized reac-
tions that the participants received from their colleagues in their profes-
sional settings, when their punk rock background and history is revealed.
Many stated that their co-workers were often apathetic about the partici-
pants’ punk backgrounds, as this professor noted: “Well, academics, as
you know, are pretty much out of touch. So they don’t really care. They
think it’s interesting, you know, and they’re happy that somebody can
have another career other than academia. They don’t really take it very
seriously.” However, some stated that their dual-career became notewor-
thy amongst their peers. Two participants specifically mentioned their
co-workers discovering YouTube videos of their musical endeavors and
sharing them in their workplace: “I think that most find it amusing. You
know, I mean [...] I haven’t heard anything negative there, I think most
people just think it’s kind of cool that I did that sort of thing.” Another

80 PUNKADEMICS

added, “My firm, for the most part, they know my story, they know
where I come from [...] they probably seek that out in me more than |
want to show them. Like there are partners who love it, and everybody
they introduce me to, they’re like, “This is [participant’s name]. She was
in a band.’ And I'm like, “Okay, ’'m a lawyer. Can we just drop it?” And
for one participant, mentioning his punk background actually triggered
like-minded responses from his colleagues who were also interested in
punk music, “Somebody will then start mentioning their little forays
into punk rock. ‘T used to listen to such and such’ and ‘Yeah man, oh,
you like the New York Dolls?”

Prestige is another aspect of identity negotiation, and most partici-
pants seemed to enjoy the placement in society that their current occupa-
tion has afforded them. However, one participant is uncomfortable with
the punk scene’s identification of his doctoral status, “...That’s kind of
annoying, but like, I really think it creates an artificial distance. I’m not
actually that comfortable with it, but ’m not going to yell at people for
calling me that either.” The same participant suggested that punk rock-
ers attaining these positions and degrees allows for the genre to be given
more credence in society: “I think some people are like, “Wow...okay.’ I
think it maybe helps some people take punk a little more seriously [...]
and music a little more seriously...maybe it shows people the possibil-
ity of what you can do with your life. That you could have a grown-up,
straight job and still, like, yell about the government, jump in the pit and
write protest songs and still be furious and have your eyes open.”

A key aspect of identity negotiation is stereotypes and assumptions that
are made about both punk rockers and those who engage in higher aca-
demia. As stated earlier, one participant — a physician — shatters people's
assumptions about what a physician should look like. Furthermore, he
adds, “And so, a part of me wearing dreadlocks, and walking around is
kind of a total ‘fuck you’ to a person’s mindset, to say, ‘Hey, you know
what, you're looking at me, and you don’t even know anything about
me.”” Some have chosen to neither buck nor embrace the stereotypes on
either end of the spectrum, and still other participants felt like they were
not entirely accepted within either ‘realm,’ as noted by this participant,
“T feel like I'm a perpetual seventh grader, in that, like, ] maybe will never
feel like I fully fit in anywhere. I was kind of freaking out a few months
ago, and I was like, ‘Oh my god, youre 31, you could not be doing this.””
Another participant expressed a similar view, “I think, to some degree,
that I’ve always kind of felt, not like an outsider, but I just don't feel like
I’m the standard of either one [...] a little too academic for your standard
punk, and probably a little too punk rock for your standard academic.”

PUNK ROCK DOCS 81

The last aspect of identity negotiation is that of the punk musician. While
for some participants, playing punk rock music was just a hobby (and for
some it was their former career/former second career), other participants
identified punk rock as a secondary career. And for one participant, per-
forming punk rock was a current, main source of income, even though
he concurrently held a professional position in higher academia.

The merging of Jntellectualism in Punk Rock is a category that emerged
with a number of wide-ranging responses from the participant popula-
tion. Aspects of this category include the art form, articulated ideals and
ethics, subgroup dependency, and punk rock in academia. Viewed as the art
form, some believed that punk rock was inherently intellectual, as stated
by this participant, “Well, punk is an art form, and [...] art is an intel-
lectual movement, so yes, absolutely.” Another participant concurred,
though from a slightly different position, “I would have to say from the
standpoint of it being an intellectual art form [...] it’s an acquired taste.
Maybe it’s for the person that has an eclectic set of values to [interpret]
things, versus, ‘Feed it to me on a big spoon because it’s sugary sweet and
I like it, and I don’t care who actually is behind it, it’s all good for me.’
That’s the general masses.” Many participants noted that punk rock’s in-
tellect was best displayed in musicians’ ability to articulate ideals and
ethics. One participant offered this reasoning: “If it’s protest music, it
should be a place for intelligent discourse [about] what youre protesting,
and why. I think the idea that punk is somehow anti-intellectual is also in
some ways antithetical to its core tenets. You know what I mean? It’s like,
how do you do critique if you’re not coming from, like, an intellectual
perspective?” An additional position was highlighted by a participant
who found punk rock’s intellectual foundations to be more substantive
than those evident in the standard rock genre, “I think that there is more
room in punk rock to be intellectual, because I think, to some degree,
it’s very accepted within the genre to be, to have, political views; to have
kind of deep thoughts on things, which maybe, in your standard rock
environment, wouldn't be as appreciated.”

Despite these shared perspectives, the responses of some participants
reveal a certain level of subgroup dependency which, in this scenario,
means that intellectual discourse within punk rock was not universal and
that only particular subgroups — perhaps divided by region or by indi-
vidual factions — were thought to maintain an intellectual climate. For
instance, one participant noted, “At this point, punk rock encompasses a
broad spectrum of music styles and different bands and different people.
And you know, just like society itself, there’s a subgroup of that section
that’s not going to be intellectual, and there’s a subgroup that will be.

82 PUNKADEMICS

And you know, you just gotta find the people you want to talk to.” A
supporting example is offered by a different participant:

I think it so depends on the scene, and the town, and the
bands. I think there are people in punk rock that are im-
mensely intellectual. And those are probably the people I’ve
gravitated towards over the years in the sense that they're
part of the punk rock community; there is an ethic or ideal
behind it. There is this philosophy that’s not accidental,
that’s very thought through and articulated in their heads.
And there are tons of [other] people who are just like, ‘It’s
rebellion! Fuck this and fuck [that].’

Furthermore, some participants noted that the anarchist tradition in
punk rock — a subgroup in itself — had an intellectual bend, as articulated
by one response, “The /Sex/ Pistols use of anarchy was just like, posturing.
But Cvass and the anarchists [...] everything that grew out of that, it was
very intellectual. It was connected to the intellectual tradition of anarchism
and situationism and I think those are pretty intellectual movements.”

The final aspect of this category, punk rock in academia, sought to
develop answers from participants based on their thoughts of whether
they could see punk rock merging with academia in any way. One par-
ticipant stated that an over-analysis of punk rock at an academic level
could “sterilize” it:

Yd hate to see it, like, too overly subjected to analysis,
because I hate the idea of people who have no first-hand
knowledge of it, like bandying about terms in [...] a
teacher’s lounge somewhere in a university. I mean, I guess
they can if they want. But I don’t know how much mean-
ing it has if they haven't lived it some way. But I guess it’s
the same way that an anthropologist looks at the !Kung in
the Kalahari, you know.. intellectual inquiry is distancing
in a lot of ways. Just like, you know, intellectualization as

a defense mechanism distances us from our emotions and
other people, I think that an over-application of intellectual
inquiry, or of intellectual methodology, to the punk subcul-
ture can kind of sterilize it.

The infusion of punk’s ideology into academia, on the other hand,
was found to be acceptable and feasible to most participants, notably as a

PUNK ROCK DOCS 83

vehicle to expand critical thinking and its inherent appeal to college-aged
students. Still, one participant expressed concern with punk’s ability to
merge with academia by stating, “I think there’s not enough organization
in punk rock. You know, it’s just too disorganized.”

REVIEWING THE DATA

The data presented several key findings. First, the idea that punk
rockers are not only attracted to higher academia, but actually enter and
succeed in this domain, is in line with the shift in stereotype of the tra-
ditional academic. The now-cliché image of “ivory towers” being solely
occupied by “bookworms” is belied by the presence of an increasingly
more diverse population of graduate students, professors, researchers,
and the like. This includes the group of punk musicians interviewed
for this study, whose backgrounds are unlike most career academicians.
Though not all the participants were employed in academia after attend-
ing graduate school, the fact that they were engaged in higher academia
as students contributes to the changing profile of both punk rock and
academia itself. Findings also reflected a general acceptance of punk
rockers as intellectuals, from both fans and colleagues alike, which helps
to support this assertion. The disappearing stereotype of the uneducated,
unruly punk rocker is partly a function of punks’ involvement in higher
academia and a variety of professional endeavors.

Second, because many of the participants retained their punk phi-
losophies, particularly via grassroots/DIY ethics and an independent out-
look, most of the participants were doubly motivated to succeed, not just
in academia but also in their musical careers. The participants were also
found to primarily hail from middle- and upper middle-class families,
and their academic and professional success was driven by parents who
had encouraged their children to succeed and/or instilled this idea at a
young age, pointing to the significant role that socioeconomics play in
providing a solid foundation for the upbringing and personal develop-
ment of a highly-educated punk rock musician.

Third, the present study’s findings further advance the notion that
current punk rock norms and expectations are anywhere from slightly
to vastly different than those prevalent in the genre’s initial phases, over
30 years ago. The acceptability of higher education and a professional
lifestyle in the punk scene appears to be much greater now than it did
during punk’s infancy. This insight not only updates sociological research
on punk rock from prior decades, it reflects the idea that punk rock is a
dynamic and constantly evolving musical genre.’

84 PUNKADEMICS

Fourth, the findings demonstrate that, although many in the par-
ticipant population have followed similar educational and musical paths,
their current engagement in the punk scene, as performers, is highly
varied. This latitude of engagement ranges from zero participation to
performing punk music as one’s main profession and source of income.

In general, the participants spent less time as punk musicians while
involved in their professional pursuits (particularly when compared to
their younger punk counterparts) than before entering their profes-
sional careers. This was mainly due to additional work, family, and fi-
nancial obligations, much of which increased with age. The influence of
participants’ punk rock backgrounds is particularly noteworthy. Punk
rock influenced such specific aspects as school choices, overall academic
success, degree goals, creative occupational tactics, and relations in the
workplace. Though such influence sometimes extended into participants’
professional settings, their colleagues were often indifferent, if not out-
wardly accepting, of the participants’ prior musical endeavors. Though
some participants felt the initial need to divorce themselves from their
punk ‘heritage,’ many acknowledged that learning to negotiate a pre-
sentation of self was often sufficient to ensure success in both punk and
professional roles.

Lastly, similarities of both punk rock and academic realms were dis-
cussed. Several parallels were presented, including one participant’s argu-
ment that since punk rock is a bona fide art movement, it is creative and
therefore requires a degree of intellect for mastery, much like an aca-
demic discipline. Punk rock’s advocacy for criticism, social commentary,
self-awareness, and questioning of ideas also bear a strong similarity to
the practices espoused in academia.

Implications of these findings include a reassessment of the punk
rock scene generally, and more specifically, a better understanding of an
increasingly popular music genre that has changed (in some ways, drasti-
cally) since its inception and has, at times, been misrepresented in mass
media. Although some punk rock songs may feature incendiary lyrics and
aggressive performances, it is also a genre formulated on critical thinking
and therefore able to be tethered to intellectual pursuits including higher
academia. The findings also suggest that punk rock musicians can be am-
bitious, goal-driven, productive, responsible, academically elite, and still
seamlessly integrate into mainstream society, all without having to shed
the values cultivated by and through their involvement in punk music
and culture. Other implications include the idea that these multifaceted
professionals can be accepted on either end of the balance, and can also
be highly valued in two seemingly disparate realms.

PUNK ROCK DOCS 85

CONCLUSION
Though moldy and used in boundless contexts, the time worn adage,
“You cant judge a book by its cover” once again rings true with punk
rock musicians, particularly with the subset of highly educated musicians
investigated in this study. Though some perform with hurried tempos,
inciting mosh pits at concerts, while others pen deeply moving, mature,
emotional, and profound punk anthems, in the end, these musicians are
simply part of a blanket musical movement that has inspired them to
create, investigate, and independently shape the course of their lives. For
the study’s participants, they — as well as the remainder of the limited,
qualified population of those unable to participate or be located — are
an enigma or anomaly to some, a special population to others, and just
an educator, doctor, attorney, researcher, vocalist, drummer, guitarist, or
bassist to the rest of the world. They have beaten odds, shattered assump-
tions, jumped through the rigorous hoops of academia, been bestowed
with the highest educational credentials and, in the end, might still
somehow relate to the kid on the street corner with a spiked hairdo and
black leather jacket. Joey Ramone, vocalist of punk rock pioneers, the
Ramones, once sang the line, “Gonna get my PhD” in the band’s 1977
song, “Teenage Lobotomy.” Ramone never did attain such level of educa-
tion before his passing in 2001. But at least his ambitions — like those of
our participant population — were definitely couched in the right place.

NOTES

1 “Punk Rock Docs” is excerpted from a Masters thesis completed in Sum-
mer 2008, based in grounded theory methodology.

2 Craig O'Hara, The Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise (Edinburgh: AK
Press, 1999), p. 42; Steven Blush, American Hardcore: A Tribal History
(Los Angeles: Feral House, 2001), pp. 114, 165, 330-334; Kevin Matt-
son, “Did Punk Matter?: Analyzing the Practices of a Youth Subculture
During the 1980s,” American Studies, Vol. 42, No. 1 (2001): 70; Sharon
M. Hannon, Punks: A Guide to an American Subculture (ABC-CLIO,
2010), pp. 71-84.

3 For examples of older sociological research on punk, see Philip Lamy and
Jack Levin, “Punk and Middle-Class Values: A Content Analysis,” Youth
& Society, Vol. 17, No. 2 (1985): 157-170; Kathryn Joan Fox, “Real
Punks and Pretenders: The Social Organization of a Counterculture,”

Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Vol. 16, No. 3 (1987): 344-370.

HELEN REDDINGTON

PUNK THEORY MIX TAPE,
SIDE A

MICHAEL SICILIANO AND ALAN O'CONNOR

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE:

AN INTERVIEW/CONVERSATION
WITH ALAN O'CONNOR

EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION
'M NOT SURE where I first encountered Alan O’Connor’s writing on punk,
but I remember being immediately impressed by the way he balances com-
plex ideas, clear prose, and methodological rigor in nuanced analyses of
both punk music and culture, as well as the social structures in which
they emerge and exist. Unlike most scholars who venture into the fray,
O’Connor is extremely knowledgeable about all facets of punk and his
respect for his subject matter is evident in his systematic engagement with
the bands, music, literature, ideas, ethics, performances, and institutions
(record labels, non-profit spaces) that co-constitute what he describes as
the “field of punk.” In addition to being an active participant within this
field, his research on it stems from extensive fieldwork and expansive in-
terviews that provide the basis from which he probes the social, political,
and artistic dimensions of punk throughout the whole of North America.
At the same time that I was debating how to best incorporate
O’Connor’s work into this collection (he was gracious enough to give
me options), I had the pleasure of reading a really smart MA thesis from
Michael Siciliano, a graduate student at the University of Chicago whom
I knew not from academia, but from our shared experience of spending
years immersed in the same punk scene back in Pittsburgh, PA. Given the
nature of Siciliano’s recent work on independent record labels, his astute
attention to the nuances of social theory, and his background as both a
musician and volunteer with Pittsburgh’s DIY show space, the Mr. Roboto
Project, it seemed like a no-brainer to put these two gentlemen in touch.

92 PUNKADEMICS

A BRIEF COMMENT ON THE INTERVIEW
This interview was conducted through email. Because of this chosen
medium of exchange the discussion that follows is multi-threaded and,
to some degree, non-linear. This is no doubt due to the chosen format
(a conversational interview conducted online, over the course of several
weeks). I believe that, above all else, this interview shows Alan O’Connor,
a punk, attempting to put cultural studies and the social sciences in the
service of DIY punk rather than using punk as just another stepping
stone in the building of socio-cultural theory. In my opinion, this is an
admirable position for O’Connor to take, and one that ultimately fur-
thers the project of cultural studies as a socially engaged, interdisciplinary
area of scholarly inquiry.

MICHAEL SICILIANO: So lets start with a few questions about your decision
to undertake your relatively recent research on the field of punk record labels.’
Clearly its a development of your previous publications on habitus within
music scenes, but I think viewed more broadly, I would ask the following:
Why study punk in particular? By this I mean, why this particular subculture
and not say, the field of hip-hop or electronic music??

ALAN O'CONNOR: Like many academics who write about punk, I grew
up with one foot in the punk scene. Friends and roommates in the 1980s
were involved in one way or another. There is a good video about this
scene in Toronto called Not Dead Yet. I went to a few shows, including
one at Larry’s Hideway, which is featured in the video. But I wasn’t fully
part of it because I was in grad school and not on welfare. And I was
pretty involved in gay politics. I was a member of the collective of The
Body Politic, a serious monthly gay news magazine. But I was interested.
I bought a few copies of MRR — which led me to the fantastic notion that
all punks were socialists — a couple of albums by the Dicks (an inspired
guess) which are now worth serious money, and, of course, the Dead
Kennedys. I would say that I was a political type grad student. Punk
looked pretty interesting but I was always busy.

In the 1990s I had roommates from the older anarcho-punk scene. They
had a wonderful 4-year old. Little kids really like the Ramones, I discovered.
And in the early 1990s I moved from that house to a much younger punk
house where everyone was heavily involved in the 1990s underground emo/
straight edge scenes. Shotmaker and Chokehold were friends.

Somehow Martin from Los Crudos and I ended up writing to each
other. We've since tried to figure out how this happened and we think a

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 93

mutual friend who did a queer punk zine gave Martin a letter from this
queer punk in Toronto. When Los Crudos were in Mexico in the sum-
mer of 1994 (just after the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas) I was visiting
a friend whom I met through the community radio scene. And I knew
about El Chopo, the outdoor rock market on Saturdays in Mexico City,
and wanted to go. Someone brought me and I saw posters for a Los Cru-
dos show and of course I went. I’ve told that story in print a few times. So
the punk collectives in Mexico accepted me (more or less) and I started
to spend summers in Mexico upgrading my Spanish at CEPE — a school
for foreigners within Mexico's largest university, UNAM — and hanging
out with Mexican punk kids. I wrote a handful of pieces about that,
mostly because returning to Canada was always a culture shock and |
had to write it all down. I guess you might call it participant observation.
I found it very hard to find a theme to focus on and I generally starting
writing about how different the scenes are in Toronto and Mexico City.
I didn’t believe what theorists like Arjun Appadurai and Garcia Canclini
were saying about cultural globalization. Of course punk didn’t start in
Mexico, but it sure was very Mexican. It was the differences between
Mexico City and Toronto that I found so hard personally. That’s why I
was writing in the first place...to try to work through those differences.
So I didn’t buy the idea of some easy hybrid culture. I thought punk in
Mexico very Mexican.

Ms: Building from the previous question, I wonder how your recent book,
Punk Record Labels and the Struggle for Autonomy: The Emergence of DIY,
fits into the overall trajectory of your research. Your work in cultural studies
began with a distinct anthropological emphasis on media ownership in Latin
America and from there you began to focus on punk and its articulation with
political movements against Neoliberalism. To some, writing a book about
“the field of punk” and now your more current research on scenes might seem
to be a move away from “serious” research by virtue is its emphasis on music
cultures. I wonder then, why, at this point in your career, did you choose to
shift away from your previous emphases on subjects of inequality and global-
ization toward this focus on the development of the sub-field of punk within
the field of cultural production?

AO: These articles were in effect a defense of Bourdieu’s idea of a habitus.
But the research was not systematic; it was ethnography. The book on
punk record labels came from a desire to do some systematic research. |
wanted something that was less a personal essay and more research that
other people could check, or verify, or prove wrong. So I started doing

94 PUNKADEMICS

interviews with record labels. I started with four in Spain, I interviewed
Martin when he was in Toronto with Limp Wrist, and then a year later
on a sabbatical year (but with no research funding) I did a full tour of
the USA. I ended up with 61 interviews that I transcribed myself. I did
one a day until I got them all done (a few took two days). I even did one
on Christmas Day. I started to ask all the questions that Bourdieu asks:
what is this field? What are its boundaries? How does it work? What
counts as cultural capital? What is the habitus, or family and educational
background of the participants? Does this affect how people participate
in the field? I would have liked to do 120 interviews, but I just didn’t
have the time or money. I had to get some help with the Correspon-
dence Analysis, but when the diagrams came back I felt from my detailed
knowledge of these [record] labels and the people I interviewed this was
a good diagram of the field. Labels that are similar are mostly gathered
near each other; labels that are different are mostly far apart. A lot of this
had to do with the age of the label. But that is important: which labels
survived. I think some of the findings are, statistically not that strong.
There is not a very simple relation between social class (measured by
father’s occupation) and the kind of label people run. But I think there
is a fairly evident pattern.

I feel much happier with this book than the articles, though the ar-
ticles had an important argument. I'd be really happy if more people took
up this challenge and did more systematic research on the scene. I love
books by participants and have a huge collection of them. But I think
social science can contribute too.

Ms: Its very interesting that Martin seems to play a crucial role in your expe-
rience as a punk and in your book on the subject. He is certainly a key figure
in U.S. hardcore in general and the Latino and queer scenes in particular. As
a bit of a side note, I live in the Pilsen neighborhood of Chicago. It has been
and continues to be a predominantly Mexican-American neighborhood; it
was also the site of some of Crudos’s earliest shows (if Im not mistaken, many
of the members were from here or nearby in Little Village, or the Back of the
Yards). Recently in a discussion on “authenticity,” an urban sociologist asked
“Would a punk band from Pilsen be considered ‘authentic?” which suggests
that punk does not come from a working class Latino neighborhood.

In a way this implies that punk, however it is objectively produced and
consumed, has the reputation of being white, middle-class, and irrelevant
to an urban, working class or poor experience. Though youve said that your
data did not provide generalizable observations on the subject, I'd like to pose
to you the question of how much Bourdieu’ proposition — that aesthetics are

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 95

always the cloak of a class-based ideology — would hold in the field of punk?
Or in popular culture ,generally? Can a fan of Shotmaker ever truly enjoy
Warzone?

AO: I think if you look at books (mostly not written by academics) on
punk in the 1980s that Hebdige’s model [in Subculture] just doesn’t
work. There isn’t a single subculture: it splits into all kinds of subscenes
such as anarcho-punk, youth anthems, etc. Its different in London and
Belfast, not to mention San Francisco and Washington DC. It quickly
spreads to many countries mainly through TV coverage of bands like the
Sex Pistols, often dies down but then starts up again as a genuinely local
scene. I gradually came to realize that Bourdieu’s concept of a field works
much better than the concept of subculture. A field has boundaries, but
they are usually contested. What is punk and what is heavy metal? Is an
experimental college band punk? A field is a space where different pos-
sibilities exist: anarcho-punk, emo, straightedge, etc. You can participate
in a field in different ways: in a band, doing a zine, doing a record label
or distro, as a photographer, etc. Fields change. And the concept of field
gets away from the researcher coming up with an arbitrary definition of
punk (for the purposes of this study punk is defined as...) when that is
actually one of the key issues and conflicts in the scene itself. Emo is not
punk in Mexico. You call yourself punk? Hey, you go to grad school!

I don’t agree with your summary of Bourdieu. I don’t think he explains
style or aesthetics by social class. It’s not that simple. For a start, Bourdieu
sees class as a social field: there are many possible positions. It’s not just a
matter of the working class or the middle class. And second, one’s class
habitus is a resource for entering different fields such as law school, car
sales or punk. It doesn’t determine choices. People still, in some ways, make
decisions. For example: to drop out of college and go on tour with your
band to Japan. It’s not a simple cause and effect. That’s why you need to
interview as many people as possible and why you need a statistical tool
like Correspondence Analysis. You can't map the complexities just by in-
terviewing 14 people (at most you might find some differences by gender)
or doing ethnography without asking systematic questions.

Ms: I think the first part of your response leads quite neatly into another set
of questions I have for you that concern the familiar narrative of punk as
cultural resistance, as well as cultural studies and the sociology of culture. So,
as you stated earlier, it is very important to take into account the writings of
participants regarding their experiences of their social situation. That being
the case, essays, histories, and memoirs regarding punk culture are, of course,

96 PUNKADEMICS

important. Viewing these products (zines, books, records, etc) and the social
processes by which they are produced through the lens of cultural studies, or
sociology, of course allows one to discuss punk in terms of its place within the
broader context of contemporary society. In terms of your work, and the work
of many in cultural studies who write about punk, there is a tendency to-
wards partisanship. In a sense, each social scientific text about punk becomes
part of the narrative of punk and, as Im sure youre well aware, quite a bit of
the work on punk inherits the preoccupations of the Birmingham school with
resistance to cultural hegemony.

You, on the other hand, seem to be moving away from this interpretation
of subcultures. Do you think that these previous interpretations of subculture
carry any validity?

AO: I started to question the concept of subculture mostly from my
own experiences in the 1990s of the scenes in Ontario, Quebec and the
American Midwest. Certainly Hebdige’s argument in his classic book,
Subculture, now seems very dated. Hebdige argues that punk (he seems
to mean London about 1976) draws on the postwar period in Britain.
Punk is a very odd subculture in the sense that its core style or meaning
is actually a refusal of any fixed style or intention. Maybe this fits a very
small group of people around the Sex Pistols in 1976. But then Hebdige
says that punk has a half-life of about a year before it is recuperated as
meaningful, as fashion, deviance, or just good fun.

I really didn’t like the idea of post-subcultures when it emerged a
few years ago. I thought it was a mistake. I don’t think the literature on
subcultures is very helpful, especially when people start writing about the
punk subculture. Anyone who has hung around the scene for any time
quickly realizes that there is not one set of meanings. I can remember
huge arguments with mostly apolitical people in bands and promoters
and what was at stake was they hated my radical politics. There is not
a fixed meaning of punk. It is a field in which there are quite contested
positions. People have personal and emotional investments in these posi-
tions; we've all seen and experienced this.

Ms: Okay, building on that, how do you feel about the issue of partisanship
or actively celebrating and enjoying the object of your social-scientific inves-
tigation? What problems, personal or professional, has this created for you?
More generally, what issues does it pose to researchers?

AO: I love reading books on punk by participants. I have a huge
collection of them. But I do want to step outside all the fights and

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 97

disagreements in the scene and try to “objectify” it for participants. I
think this is the best contribution social science can make. I will never
know your local scene as well as you do, but I can help move the scene
beyond the debates that go in endless circles. For example, I tried to
put together an international research team to look at punk jobs. We
were going to each interview about 50 people about their employment
history. What jobs do punks get? Do we work in record stores? Used
clothing? Stocking shelves at Whole Foods? Are we lawyers? I suspect
there are a lot of ex-punk teachers. You know, there is a compilation
of punk bands that have teachers in them called Critical Pedagogy: A
Compilation of Teachers in Punk Bands which has seventeen bands that
include teachers such as Jos from Seein Red and Dave Dictor from
M.D.C.4 But we don’t usually ask systematic questions such as, who
are the punk photographers? What explains the different styles of doing
a record label? Why are so many punks in the USA college dropouts?
I wanted my book on record labels to be read by the scene. I tried to
make it readable. But it’s different from most books on labels; it’s not
promotion or celebration. It tries to intervene in the debates about
“major labels” with some detailed research. The book was intended to
help people in the scene talk about the issues in a more informed way.
That, I think is the role of an academic punk: one foot in the scene and
one foot outside.

Ms: To digress a bit for the purpose of clarification, I did not mean to imply
that Bourdieu views the relationship between aesthetic preference (or aes-
thetic choices on the part of the band or artists) and social class to be deter-
ministic. I believe his philosophical resistance to predictive statistical models
illustrates that quite clearly. However I do feel that one need only take a
glance at Distinction or Rules of Art to get the sense that the struggles over le-
gitimate practice and over what might legitimately be called “culture” within
the cultural field (of which punk is a subfield) are often linked to social
position (i.e. the multi-faceted, spatial conception of class determined by pos-
session of various forms of capital).’ The dominant fractions of the dominant
class have a vested interest in maintaining and reproducing their conception
of legitimate culture and in a variety of circumstance, both in France and
the U.S., the boundary between legitimate culture (institutionalized “high
art’) and popular arts. This is why, to me, the boundary making in terms of
aesthetic and economic practice that you've described continues to fascinate
me, especially in the field of popular music production. Here there appears to
be so little to be gained in terms of actual capital, yet so much at stake in the
symbolic. With so little to gain, I wonder why it is that the struggle in a scene

98 PUNKADEMICS

is often over maintaining ownership over a cultural form that matters so little
in terms of getting a job or succeeding in the “real world”?

I think that, theoretically, the conceptual device of the field is incredibly
useful in approaching punk in the same way that it has been useful in ap-
proaching jazz, journalism, and variety of other social phenomena.® It allows
for the diverse and localized articulations of widespread cultural forms in a
way that subculture, at least in the Hebdige sense, does not; while it also, as
you so astutely pointed out, accounts for the cross-fertilization between scenes
via various forms of media (zines, TV, blogs, etc) in a way that Straw’ con-
cept of the “scene” does not.’ In a way, it prevents you, and potentially other
researchers, from committing the symbolic violence of excluding certain frac-
tions of punk from the narrative that academia has been creating for punk
over the past 35 years. In fact, it’s only relatively recently that academics seem
to have moved away from the notion that music scenes or genres have strict,
rigid, and relatively unchanging boundaries and formal definitions, yet this
is something that any participant (punk or otherwise) in a music scene knows
all too well. Thats an incredibly difficult idea to convey to both academics
and punks alike and you manage to do so very well. That said, your book
has been criticized by at least one zine (Razorcake) for having a conception
of DIY that “too closely follows the MRR axis” and often leaves out the im-
portance of other zines and intermediaries involved in contextualizing and
relaying information on music scenes to punks.®

I know that youve responded to criticism on the book within academic
circles (in 2010), but what do you make of this criticism from the punk scene
itself? Have the labels that participated responded in any way? As you stated
before, a zine such as MRR is undeniably left leaning and many of its most
vocal writers seem to possess at least some college education. Whose conception
of punk benefits from excluding other forms of punk practice from this zine
and other similar heavyweights of punk publishing and taste making?

AO: I like your wonderful paragraph on the usefulness of the concept of
the field. It drives me nuts to see grad students using terms such as the
punk subculture, when they as participants in the scene (most of them)
know all the differences in music, style, politics, etc. I was really disap-
pointed that MRR never reviewed the book. They were sent a review
copy but nothing happened. There was a review in Razorcake that mostly
complained that other zines such as theirs also contribute to the scene
and should have been given more weight. Fair enough. What they don’t
realize is that it is almost impossible to get Razorcake in Canada and I
only ever saw copies when I traveled in the USA. There was also an on-
line review that had the usual punk skepticism about academic writing,

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 99

but grudgingly admitted my book might be okay. Actually, this person
offered to rewrite his review (in a more positive tone) for MRR but they
wouldn't accept it because he might just be my friend and they want
neutral objective reviewers. Fair enough.

My book is obviously grounded in the debates in MRR about major
labels, and before that about big bands insisting on large guarantees. |
hoped to use what systematic research I could do, and the concept of
a field (which really is just a sophisticated way of saying a scene with
many possible positions in it) to contribute to a debate that usually just
goes around in circles. “Who cares if Green Day is on a major? They're
cool. And anyway they come from working class families and need the
money.’ If you look you'll see that I am quite angry about Green Day.
But if you read the book carefully there are also many people who were
associated with MRR who have sold out. I wonder if I fell between the
cracks because it is just too painful to look at what happened with some
of the old crowd.

You'll have picked up on the fact that I think of myself as having one
foot in the scene and the other in academia. Maybe that’s a bit different
from Bourdieu who, until about 1995, very much wanted to be a so-
cial scientist and not an activist. He saw too much thoughtless political
posing. But I tried to intervene in the ‘Major Labels’ debate, really as a
continuation of the fights we had over this at Who's Emma [DIY info-
shop/record store] in Toronto in the 1990s.’ I do have a commitment
and I’m a bit different from Bourdieu about that. But I also want to use
his tools to “objectify” the scene, to hold up an objective mirror to it so
maybe people will think differently about the issues. I also wanted to add
to the ongoing debate in the punk scene about who “we” are (building
on some data in HeartattaCk readers’ surveys). Obviously I’m looking at
older people who stuck around because they had a commitment to punk,
but also a role in bands, doing zines, doing distros and labels. So who is
this “we”? You can look at the data (including raw info at the back of the
book) and see that while there is some diversity, “we” are mainly middle
class college dropouts. A few, like me, didn’t quite drop out.

I really do believe, with Bourdieu, that social science has to be a col-
lective enterprise. Most of the work I value in cultural studies also has
this quality. In studying punk record labels as a field ’m obviously build-
ing on work by Bourdieu and others. I would really love it if other people
would join in. I think my findings are interesting but tentative. The work
I am doing now with Ian McLachlan and our research team on the un-
derground arts scene in Peterborough, Ontario (where Trent University
is located) is obviously related. We're asking questions about how the

100 PUNKADEMICS

non-commercial theatre and arts scene works in a small city of 60,000
to 70,000 people, located about two hours from a large city such as To-
ronto. This scene also makes a space for hardcore punk shows. We want
to understand the dynamics of this scene; in a small city people move
between theatre, art and music. Everyone goes to everyone else’s events.
In a small city you have to. What we're interested in is how Peterborough
may be a refuge that makes non-commercial culture (what Bourdieu calls
“restricted production”) possible. The rent is cheaper. There is more so-
cial support for opting out of legitimate careers. There is a really nice
feel about this city. But we are also asking questions about the habitus
of everyone involved. Actually, this has been a bit of a struggle in the
research team because postmodern theory has done a lot of damage to
the idea of social science. But we are now asking the questions about
parents’ occupations and education, and the interviewee’s own education
and work experience.

What I think I found in the punk record labels research seems to go
against what many Marxist researchers would predict. Because, I found
that really alternative labels tend to be run by middle class dropouts —
literally dropouts, from college. And there is a tendency for working-
class kids (especially an older generation) to treat their labels in a more
business-like manner. But then the question that Bourdieu poses (and he
always annoys cultural studies people because the question is also meant
for them) is how far can you trust middle class dropouts? Or to put
it in a more positive way, what support does the hardcore punk scene
provide to encourage these dropouts to refuse the temptations of major
success (what Bourdieu calls “large-scale production”)? This needs more
thought and work. My book is quite angry about people who betrayed
their youthful ideals, but a lot of other people don’t [betray them]. Dis-
chord Records is the heroic example, though they took their own deci-
sions rather than following some template for DIY. The question then
for all the middle class dropouts who make excuses for what is in effect
unethical behavior is, if Dischord can do it, why can’t you?

MS: Id like to move on to two concluding questions, but first, as this is
both an interview and a discussion, I'd like to offer some thoughts on your
previous statements. As you said, your book is obviously grounded in the de-
bates that arise internally within punk (specifically in zines such as MRR).
While those debates about major labels are, for the most part, simply discur-
sive, they do cause material problems for individuals and companies that seek
to bridge this gap between the punk field and the field of music production
dominated by multinational media conglomerates. That idea, essentially, was
the driving idea behind my own, primarily ethnographic research, on ‘indie

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 101
labels (some of whom actually fall within the bounds of punk as delineated

in your work).

Your brief description of your current work strikes me as immediately
understandable based on my experience as a musician in both Pittsburgh
and Chicago. In Pittsburgh the scene is a bit closer to how you describe Pe-
terborough. Noise musicians play with indie rock bands, mash-up DJ Girl
Talk used to play with hardcore bands, and everyone watches the football and
hockey together. I've also felt that, musically, the bands there were a bit more
out there’ in terms of style due to the intersection of these social networks and
the fact that the idea of “hitting it big” was generally not part of the creative
process. Since arriving in Chicago and playing a decidedly artier form of
punk (noise rock a la Amphetamine Reptile Records, essentially), the first
question when discussing a band is often ‘are you doing a record and if so,
who is putting that out?” A certain emphasis is on making the numbers and
creating hype and thats because in a bigger town that is both an option and,
if your goal is to have people interested in your music in such a saturated
market, a necessity. Someone recently even talked to me about “branding
your band,” which as a middle class, Lefty, hardcore punk person with all the
ideas about proper practice that tend to go with that, strikes me as a bit crass.

Though I realize that thats grounded in debates within the punk scene,
I also feel that such a topic wouldve never arisen in casual conversation if
I were still in a smaller city. Though Im unfamiliar with the specificities of
Peterborough, Id like to pose this question to you: Based on your research and
your experience as a punk, how do you feel about the tendency of punk per-
formance spaces to exist in economically depressed, often working-class, ethnic
minority neighborhoods? In a sense, the existence of this subfield of cultural
production seems to almost depend upon structural inequality within urban
areas. In other words, the middle class can drop out and have its scene, but
only because we live under an economic system that produces spaces of poverty
with low rents. Perhaps it is different in smaller towns? I realize that to fully
engage such a complicated phenomena is difficult, but Im curious as to what
you might think since it seems so linked to your current work.

AO: This is really interesting. When we started Who’s Emma it was in a
fairly low-rent area of Toronto. Kensington Market has seen wave after
wave of migrants to Canada. In the early 1900s it was a Jewish neigh-
bourhood, full of small shops and close to the clothing workshops on
Spadina Avenue where Emma Goldman lived when she was forced out
of the USA. It then became a Portuguese fish and vegetable market. To-
day it has a mix of migrants from many parts of the world. But it has
also been a punk hangout for the past thirty years; it is featured in the

102 PUNKADEMICS

documentary Not Dead Yet.'° I think we were very aware when we started
Who's Emma that we were also using this relatively low-cost urban space
to start a low-budget punk project. When I was cleaning and painting
the first storefront (it was really small) I went across the road to a long-
time Portuguese restaurant/bar to get a coffee. The elderly waiter in his
white shirt and black tie asked me what the store was going to be. “A
punk record store,” I replied. “Ah,” he said, “dirty punks. Why you bring
dirty punks?” But later when his bar turned into a punk hangout — a
table of punks in black (the straightedge kids never ventured inside) be-
side a table of retired Portuguese workers — he would never let me pay
for a beer. I'd order a pint and put down a five dollar bill and he'd shove
it back at me. For him, I was “the boss” and I'd brought a new life to his
bar. It closed a few years later and is now a trendy hangout (but not for
punks, because the imported beer is now too expensive).

We've all seen this: the punk house in Detroit that was bought for
a song; ABC No Rio in the Lower East Side of New York City. I think
we are right to be conscious about this, to think about the consequence
for other people who need these low-cost neighborhoods. (I know this is
a huge issue in Chicago). But at the same time, Bourdieu describes the
conditions necessary for bohemia. You need cheap rent. You need cheap
places to hang out. For non-commercial music and art it is essential that
people are rewarded in ways other than immediate financial success.
These rewards can be free time (to write, to make music), friendship,
casual sex or romance, self-respect, a sense of solidarity with people who
are doing the same thing, etc. I think the ultimate argument for DIY is
that it can be a really fulfilling life. There may be limitations to it, for
example if you want to have kids, but the final argument for DIY is that
it can be really fun.

Ms: Finally, I'd like to conclude by asking simply: What’ your favorite punk
band and why are they your favorite?

AO: I’m not sure why people would be interested in my own musical
preferences, but I’ll try to answer. The first without a doubt is people that
I have known in bands, and seen many times. A good example is Shot-
maker. Then, bands that I admire for what they have to say (sometimes
people I’ve also known) like Los Crudos. I’m not going to pretend that I
throw Los Crudos on the turntable everyday, but I wouldn’t want to lose
the 7-inch records, most of which I got from the band at shows. Finally,
bands that I like because they're clever. Huggy Bear is a good example,
but there are many more. Before we did Who’s Emma I had a distro at

MAXIMUMSOCIALSCIENCE 103

shows, mostly of anarcho-punk, queer punk and riot grrrl. People would
look through my box of records and say, “You have different stuff than
anyone else.”

NOTES

4 Alan O'Connor, Punk Record Labels: The Struggle for Autonomy (Lanham,
MD: Lexington, 2008). For examples of his previous work on habitus
in music scenes, see O’Connor “Local Scenes and Dangerous Cross-
roads: Punk and Theories of Cultural Hybridity,” Popular Music, Vol. 21,
No. 2 (2002): 147-58; “Anarcho-punk: Local Scenes and International
Networks,” Journal of Anarchist Studies, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2003): 111-21;
“Punk Subculture in Mexico and the Anti-globalization Movement,”
New Political Science, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2003): 43-53; “Punk and Global-
ization: Spain and Mexico,” International Journal of Cultural Studies, Vol.
7, No. 2 (2004): 175-195.

2 See Nick Prior’s article, “Putting a Glitch in the Field: Bourdieu, Actor
Network Theory and Contemporary Music” for an example of work on
electronic music that challenges Bourdieu’s formulation of a ‘field’.

3 Examples of work in these two areas include: The Voice of the Mountains:
Radio and Anthropology (University Press of America, 2006); “Punk and
Globalization: Spain and Mexico.”

4 Critical Pedagogy: A Compilation of Teachers in Punk Bands, Six Weeks
Records, 2000.

5 Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000); The Rules of Art: Gen-
esis and Structure of the Literary Field (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1996).

6 Paul D. Lopes, “Pierre Bourdieu’s Fields of Cultural Production: A Case
Study of Modern Jazz,” in eds. Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman, Pierre
Bourdieu: Fieldwork in Culture, (New York: Rowman & Littfield, 2000),
pp. 165-185; Rodney Dean Benson and Erik Neveu, Bourdieu and the
Journalistic Field (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2005).

7 Will Straw, “Systems of Articulation, Logics of Change: Communities
and Scenes in Popular Music,” Cultural Studies, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1991):
68-388.

8 Todd Taylor, “Punk Record Labels and the Struggle for Autonomy: The
Emergence of DIY,” Razorcake, Nov 19, 2008.

9 For O’Connor’s full account of his experience with the Who’s Emma
DIY infoshop/record store, see “Who’s Emma and the Limits of Cultural
Studies,” Cultural Studies, Vol. 13, no. 4 (1999): 691-702.

104 PUNKADEMICS

10 Edward Mowbray and Ruth Taylor, Not Dead Yet (Toronto, Canada: Art
Metropole, 1984), VHS.

ALASTAIR GORDON

BUILDING RECORDING
STUDIOS WHILST
BRADFORD BURNED:

DIY PUNK ETHICS IN A FIELD OF
FORCE

“THIS IS A CHORD, THIS IS ANOTHER, THIS IS A THIRD,
NOW FORM A BAND!”

- SIDEBURNS, 1976

1 occuPY Two distinct roles: one as a long-term punk rock scene partici-
pant and the second as an academic principally interested in the cultural
legacy of UK 1970s punk. Both of these areas of investigation have been
central aspects of my life for the last three decades. The undertaking of
ethnographic research in this arena has often led to accusations made
to me by participants of “selling out” and undermining the integrity of
the scene, not to mention my own residual feelings of compromise. To
begin, some biographical/contextual information is required.

Long before I became a doctoral student in 2000, I made my first
visit to the anarchist punk venue the Bradford lin12 Club during the
summer of 1990. I was traveling with two Nottingham hardcore punk
bands, Kings of Oblivion and Forcefed to play a one-day festival at the
recently opened building. Also on the bill were two ‘ex’ member bands
from the UK anarcho-punk subculture, Zygote and Kulturo with respec-
tive members of Amebix and Antisect. I remember my anticipation and

106 PUNKADEMICS

excitement at the prospect of seeing these bands as I'd been a supporter
of their nineteen eighties incarnations.

More importantly this was my first visit to the Club. This place was
already steeped in punk folklore. It was housed in an old building and
worked according to anarchist principles of mutual aid. I was impressed
to see the punk ethic of Do-it-Yourself (hereafter DIY) intertwined with
anarcho-syndicalist politics to create a space free of corporate control and
hierarchical management structures, taking a proud place in a long his-
tory of English anarchist resistance cultures.” Trawling around the build-
ing was an adventure: a venue, a bar floor, a cafe replete with a full-sized
snooker table, and the place was full of punks. This place was clearly
organised from the grassroots of the Bradford punk scene and meant
business. After a great show and the chance to network with people
involved in the club, I maintained frequent visits from 1994 onwards,
playing with various bands and eventually renting practice room space
for my band from 1997. By then however, I was approaching success
in procuring a scholarship to undertake ethnographic research on DIY
punk cultures.

The background of the underlying philosophy of punk is compli-
cated, but in terms of providing some contextual information, punk
arrived onto the UK cultural landscape in late 1976 rendering visible
through its DIY philosophy the previously mystified mechanics of mu-
sic participation, consumption and participation. Punk illuminated UK
cultural inequality and economic problems via its musical rallying call
whilst offering an opportunity for disenfranchised people to make their
voices heard without resorting to the major label music business. The
legacy of those now historical events of the Sex Pistols e¢ al is constitutive
of what is now broadly described as ‘early’ punk and well documented
in both academic and populist terms. What is, however, broadly absent
from these accounts — mostly concentrated upon clothing style, musicol-
ogy, aesthetics, etc. — has been detailed consideration of the daily ethical
practices that are the core motor for UK grassroots punk cultural activity.
This has been summarised in the term: do-it-yourself, which serves to
demystify previous processes of music production, throwing access open
to newcomers, empowered by the de-fetishised punk ethic.?

In what follows, I address this oversight via examination of ethno-
graphic fieldwork data detailing the reflexive, contextual constraints and
rewards that operate in DIY punk as the basis for creative action against
mainstream music production.‘ Intertwined with this account are the
tangential yet important issues of undertaking critical insider ethnog-
raphy in the punk scene. This method is precariously bound up with a

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 107

number of contextual scene/network power relations that inform wider,
associated issues related to ethnographic writing and methodological
procedure.

To explore both the historical legacy of DIY punk and the difficult
position of doing fieldwork in one’s own culture, this article has two
principal aims. Firstly, it will illustrate how a thirty-odd year legacy of
DIY has crystallised in everyday political punk practice in the UK. Here
I will discuss aspects of my ethnographic research undertaken whilst
building a collectively-owned recording studio during the summer of
2001. I argue that DIY ethics operate within a framework where the lack
of immediate/contextual resources are a continually frustrating yet equally
rewarding part of both the endeavour and the realisation of collective
projects.* The initial, 1970s romantic descriptions of DIY as ‘effortless’
and ‘immediate’ do not resemble the difficult, repetitive struggles evi-
dent in the DIY project outlined in this article. Indeed, this is not an
essay that portrays DIY culture as a naive impersonation of mainstream
music culture, or, contrary to Henry Jenkins’ interpretation of Michel
de Certeau, a form of creative practice akin to mere “textual poaching.”®
DIY production is far more taxing, independent and implicitly critical
in practice than such accounts would imply. The reality of DIY encoun-
tered in this research is that of an uneven endeavour, and one which
has its fair share of hardship and struggle factored into the task; though
one should not also forget that the fun and satisfaction of involvement
— and the completion of a task — is of equal worth.’ Here the practice
of everyday toil with scarce resources has more in common with Alan
O’Connor’s reflections on co-founding a DIY punk space (in Toronto) as
opposed to the catch-all descriptors of punk in the 1970s.°

The second aim of the article is to address the personal consequences
arising out of undertaking fieldwork as a long-standing, insider mem-
ber of DIY punk culture. The principal field method for examining
this everyday DIY punk ethical activity was participant observation in-
formed by critical insider ethnography.’ The research used field-journal,
interview, and diary and club literature to critique populist accounts of
DIY as an endeavor requiring little effort. My work can be described as
“action research” as the field was permanently changed by my presence
and the contributions I made while present.'® Through this process (and
within the larger project from which this essay is culled), I also make my
familiar world of DIY punk practice “anthropologically strange”; Ham-
mersley and Atkinson note this is, “an effort to make explicit presupposi-
tions he or she takes for granted as a culture member.”!’ Nevertheless,
my insider status made for a difficult methodological scenario in terms

108 PUNKADEMICS

of potentially overlooking, during the course of fieldwork, the central
mechanisms involved in the DIY process and the ways in which DIY
operates amidst immediate and external forces (terms I explain below).

The philosophy of DIY involves the ethical commitment to pursuing
one’s goals not for profit or individual gain but, instead, for the benefit of
the club and wider punk network, and to share music and information.
The extension of this ethic during fieldwork ultimately meant that val-
ues were transposed and this, in turn, became of ethnographic interest.'
The present research operated between the line of both my personal DIY
values and the process of describing, yet also constructing, the field via
daily activity and field note writing. There was thus a clash between my
ethical standing as a participant and being a researcher involved in both
the completion of my doctorate and the development of my subsequent
career as a professor. The development of this position can be related to
general scholarly anxiety regarding the status of ethnography as a neutral,
descriptive tool. My contention is that neutrality is impossible and can
only result in compromise. In theoretical terms, the partisan status of
ethnographic writing has been historically and geopolitically located and
analysed in culturally relativist terms by Clifford.'4 His discussion outlin-
ing the “predicament” of ethnography in terms of how, for example, the
authority of ethnographic discourse (who speaks on behalf of whom?)
evokes, sustains and constructs geographical power relations is both ac-
curate and salient in his much wider discussion of Edward Said and the
Western ethnographic representation of the Orient.’° In specific terms,
I found that local power relations were obviously present during my re-
search; this led to tension between my status as both authentic partici-
pant and ethnographer in terms of immediate scene relations and external
contextual forces. As an insider, I was in a privileged position in terms of
observing activities, though when the data is narrativised through both
academic methodology and language, the same power relations of ‘who
speaks’ unavoidably enter the discussion.

To theorise my place as an insider ethnographer, I described such
relations in the research as ‘immediate and external contextual fields of
force.’ Principally, the term ‘field’ is used here in the ethnographic sense
and not in the way Bourdieu utilizes the term, though some termino-
logical crossover is possible.'® The descriptor, ‘immediate’ explains how
general everyday practice in DIY culture is affected by access to resources
and other factors that have consequences on the steering of everyday
tasks, for example the Bradford riots I describe later. Equally relevant are
external issues (not directly relative to the field) which affect the subjec-
tive ethical status of the ethnographer both during and after the research

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 109

(in terms of writing, following doctoral degree protocol, and engaging in
the process/practice of publishing). In short, I felt the pressure of dual-
role existence caught up between the interplay of two contextual ‘fields
of force’ that ultimately presented problems I discuss in the conclusion.

Therefore, in order to address my two central points — the crystal-
lisation of DIY in everyday political punk practice, and the tensions of
being a punk engaged in an ethnography of punk culture — the article
will proceed through five sections. First, I discuss the long-term germina-
tion of DIY into the political framework of anarcho-punk, its eventual
reproduction via the case study of Studio 1in12, and how I came to be
involved in this project as a doctoral researcher. Second, I examine how
the recording studio project was steered by an immediate contextual field
of force that had consequences on the completion of the task. The third
section considers how the immediate political context of the chosen club
for the research — the lin12 Club — was strikingly illustrated during the
riots in Bradford, and I then discuss some of the ways the completed
studio became a valuable cultural resource for both local punks and the
global punk scene in which their records are distributed. Finally, the
conclusion speaks to the predicament and consequences of undertaking
insider ethnography and action research fieldwork.

‘DI WHY?’
THIRTY YEARS OF STRUGGLE AND ELBOW GREASE
Declaration of the emerging DIY punk ethic was first set out in the
fanzine Sideburns in 1976: “This is a chord, this is another, this is a third,
now form a band!”!” Such statements were expressions of a rebellious,
UK punk cultural sensibility forged by grassroots alienation and the
frustration of thwarted creative energy. DIY rendered visible the hid-
den process of major label musical production and openly scrutinized
practices that previously barred people from such opportunities, whether
because of talent or resources. Marcus Gray glibly summarised the early
punk spirit of DIY: “If youre bored, do something about it; if you don’t
like the way things are done, act to change them, be creative, be positive,
anyone can do it.”'®
The inclusive sensibility of the politically charged punk culture was
a sure-fire answer to this problem and opened up new spaces for rebel-
lion and resistance to mainstream culture, theorised by Hakim Bey as
“Temporary Autonomous Zones.””” By the early 1980s, DIY was taken
on board by a groundswell of leftist musicians, artists, writers and politi-
cal activists as an informal ethical code of practice: a radically different

110 PUNKADEMICS

yet oddly similar extension of 1960s British countercultural ethics. For
example, free-festivals, squatting, and the underground press partly rep-
resent the historical antecedents to the present global punk network
referred to by O’Connor (following Bourdieu) as a ‘field.’° Influences
from this period also fed into DIY punk as a continuation of radical
politics.”

A plethora of DIY UK bands, scenes and records crept onto the cul-
tural landscape sending clear messages to the music business that youth
did not require the patronising ‘assistance’ of record companies, nor the
rock ‘star system’ or the ‘music’ press. Instead, they could release their
own records and book shows in spaces they built (for example, in squat-
ted buildings) and in venues they controlled. Furthermore, they could
publish their music reviews and cultural commentary in their own ver-
sion of the music press: the fanzine.” In spite of this expansion, elements
of the 1970s DIY punk ethic proved to be weak in the face of the music
industry and many punk bands did sign to record labels with the accom-
panying peer accusations of selling out. Toward 1980, with the rise of the
independent labels and ‘post-punk’ music, punk itself was proclaimed
(by the music and popular presses) as “dead.” This discourse of the death
of punk, which was repeatedly employed as a “rhetorical commonplace,”
resulted in a populist hegemony that totally ignored how the DIY ethic
remained active not only within the UK but also across commensurate
global punk scenes.’ Overall, the ‘punk is dead’ thesis eclipsed the sub-
sequent DIY activity prevalent over the next thirty odd years. Hence, this
is an account that serves as an insider academic communiqué from the
UK DIY underground.

DIY punk is an example of how participants can control spheres of
musical and political activity both within, and outside of, institutions
originally geared toward mass production and the accumulation of prof-
it. Rather than surrendering artistic and aesthetic control to record com-
panies, booking agents and advertisers, DIY punk sought to cultivate a
non-profit space.”4 Gabriel Kuhn summarises DIY as:

A principle of independence and of retaining control

over one’s work, DIY (abbreviating Do it Yourself) defines
original hardcore punk ethics and, to many, remains the
decisive criterion for ‘true’ hardcore punk; the most tangible
aspects of hardcore’s DIY culture are self-run record labels,
self-organised shows, self made zines, and non-commercial
social networks.”

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 111

In ethical terms, DIY is portrayed as being and remaining authentic.
The ethical imperative of authenticity has directly informed DIY punk
values and practices over the last thirty years; the lin12 Club is a clear
example of the continuation of this cultural tradition.

ANOK4U2 LAD!
ANARCHO-PUNK AND WEST YORKSHIRE LEGACIES
For the lay reader not familiar with the confusing taxonomy of punk
factions, anarcho-punk was both a continuation of the counterculture of
the 1960s and a musical genre/scene that amplified the populist embrace
of DIY punk by turning it into a political project. At its height in the UK
between 1978-84, anarcho-punk was more or less spearheaded by the
band Crass, which had its own DIY label (Crass Records) that became the
blueprint for, eventually, thousands of other DIY record labels.** During
the early 1980s there were hundreds of bands (with mostly unemployed
band members) squatting buildings and playing in community centres,
making anti-war and pro animal-rights political statements, and totally
without the support/financial assistance of major record labels. Anarcho-
punk was, by default, fundamentally disinterested in profit, privileging
the political musical message over self-interest.” Broadly, anarcho-punk
took the threat of cold-war nuclear annihilation seriously and took aim
at both nuclear proliferation and the policies that emerged from the cosy
relationship between Conservative UK Prime Minister Thatcher and
Republican US President Reagan. Involvement in the Campaign for
Nuclear Disarmament (CND), anti-war protests, and general campaigns
of direct action were central to the development of anarcho-punk from
1978 onwards and constituted a significant practical political turn in
punk culture that forms the historical backdrop for the present article.
While the political actions and music releases of Crass are too wide
ranging to document here, their subsequent influence acted as an inspira-
tion for punks to create their own political spaces through squatting and
the creation of non-commercial venues.”* By the early 1980s, Crass clearly
established themselves as the centrepiece of anarcho-punk in the UK, with
its roots firmly set in an uncompromising reading of the core ethics of DIY
punk. Penny Rimbaud, the drummer for Crass, spoke of the ethical cata-
lyst for his band: “When [Johnny] Rotten [of the Sex Pistols] proclaimed
that there was ‘No Future,’ we saw it as a challenge to our creativity — we
knew there was a future if we were prepared to work for it.””? The ‘any-
one can do it’ ethos led to inspired spin-off projects that both cemented
networks and created political links, reinforcing anarcho-networks across

112 PUNKADEMICS

the globe. The grassroots political example that Crass pioneered in their
early, ground-breaking records sparked an ethical shift that came to frui-
tion through the large number of political punk bands that emerged in
the late 1970s and early 1980s and continue to this day. It is in this DIY
milieu that I make my ethnographic entrance some twenty-one years later,
through fieldwork undertaken during 2001 at the lin12 Club: a self man-
aged venue in Bradford that embraces DIY ethics and reflects the anarcho-
punk politics of its members, past and present.

THE ONE IN TWELVE CLUB

The inception of the linl12 Club — named after the Conservative
Government’s Rainer report (1980) which stated that one in twelve
unemployed claimants in West Yorkshire were committing some kind
of fraud on the benefit system — is a prime example of both a British
anarchist social club and the continuation of anarcho-punk politics be-
yond the 1980s. This group of collectively-organised volunteers banded
together in the face of Thatcherist attacks on trade unions, the working
classes and the unemployed, to link DIY punk and anarchist principles
as the cornerstone of their actions. Prior to the club obtaining a building
through a grant in 1988, punk gigs were held twice weekly in various
Bradford pub locations from 1981 onwards, and this formed the bedrock
of fundraising activities which the club would draw upon over the next
twenty years:

The twice weekly gigs held in several city centre pubs pro-
vided the embodiment of the lin12 “way”, providing gigs
that were cheap, free from sexist, racist and statist hassles,
the usual promoters and rip-offs, dress restrictions and
bouncer intimidation. The objective was to create a lively
and participative social scene, to stimulate a culture of resis-
tance a space under which the control and direction of the
membership for entertainment, debate and solidarity.*°

During the 1980s, the club attracted membership and visitors from
those involved in the anarcho-punk scene. Anarcho-punks had attempted
on numerous occasions to set up a club in the UK. Sned, a club member,
spoke during our interview about collectively run spaces in the 1980s:
the ‘Station Club’ in Gateshead, Sunderland’s ‘Bunker’ venue, and ‘the
Pad’ run by the Scottish Crass-inspired band, The Alternative. Most
importantly, Crass helped to fund the creation of a London anarchist

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 113

centre, Centero Iberico, through the proceeds earned from their 1980
split-single benefit record with the Poison Girls (“Bloody Revolutions/
Persons Unknown’). Following their donation of £12,000, Crass decid-
ed to have nothing to do with the centre in order to avoid accusations
of being ‘leaders’ of the scene. Consequently, Centero Iberico collapsed.
Rimbaud writes:

Based in London’s Docklands, the centre was open for a
year or so before collapsing in disarray. From the start,
conflict arose between the older generation of anarchists
and the new generation of anarcho-punks. It seemed that
the only common interest, and that only tenuously, was
Crass, but true to our agreement we kept our distance. We
did however play one gig there before the inter-camp bitch-
ing left me wondering if the thing hadn’t been a dreadful

mistake.+!

Unlike the short-lived Docklands project, 1in12 successfully avoided
closure for thirty-odd years, in spite of manifesting similar ‘inter-camp’
divisions:

At no stage in the Club’s history has the relationship
between “ideal” and “reality” ever been straightforward. In-
deed conflict over whose ideals and which reality has often
thrown the Club into deep internal conflict. The diversity
of interests, priorities and expectations of the membership,
empowered by the open and active process of decision-
making, has often come at a price. Sometimes members
have left, disillusioned and occasionally bitter, but this is the
uncomfortable reality of taking responsibility and control.»

The fieldwork detailed in this article was concerned with how the
club maintained its DIY activities in the face of such problems, as well as
fluctuating membership numbers and a lack of resources. Scarce resourc-
es (financial, volunteer and practical skills) are central to the immediate
contextual field of force, which can either advance DIY projects to com-
pletion or result in conflict. Entrance was secured via my previous rela-
tions with the lin 12 Club and involved daily contact and observation.
Due to the number of opportunities for observation within ‘the scene,’
I also attended DIY punk gigs in nearby Leeds during most evenings,
as these were more frequent than the occasional gigs held at the lin12.

114 PUNKADEMICS

PUNK ETHNOGRAPHY
Upon my arrival at the lin12 (at a matinee gig on a rainy Sunday in
early June 2001), I was informed by Peter, my central ‘gatekeeper, that I
would be involved in the construction of a recording studio in the base-
ment of the club, in addition to helping out with other tasks. The club
functions under the umbrella of a number of collectives: the peasants (food
growing), games, library, gig, drama, and studio collectives. Operational
logistics of the club were monitored through membership meetings each
Sunday where forthcoming events and day-to-day issues were collectively
discussed; at one such meeting I presented the research to outline my proj-
ect. It was announced that my colleague in the building of the studio was
to be John, a caretaker who would offer assistance when time allowed.*
The general ethic of DIY, self-management, and collective mutual-
aid, is at the heart of the 1in12 Club and is the reason why DIY punk has
become a stable method of fundraising. A consequence of involvement
in punk DIY activity is the development of individual and group au-
tonomy, control, and empowerment within the immediate field of force.
There is a broad resentment to anything considered mainstream, capital-
ist or corporate, and these sentiments informed the not-for profit ratio-
nale for building the studio. More specifically, control of recording and
practice spaces is typically dictated by private interest, which results in
the majority of DIY musical acts paying inflated costs. This, in turn, sur-
renders control and recording quality to such interests, it impoverishes
band members and labels, and puts added financial pressure on any given
project. Thus, the chief aim of building a recording studio in the Club
was primarily to develop collective, not-for-profit recording/studio skills
and enable bands to record at an affordable price. A further, overarch-
ing reason was to provide an authentic alternative to mainstream studios
where band members are disconnected from the processes of recording
their music and learning such skills is off-limits to the ‘customer’; the
recording studio would extend the DIY ethic beyond its existing remit
of concert promotion, record label distribution, and bands. The project
had already been partially realised through the construction of a prac-
tice room, from 1998-2000, which resulted in a cheap-to-rent, secure,
soundproofed practice space and storage area for bands in the basement
of the club; the actual studio was earmarked for construction in an old
storeroom, adjacent to the practice space.
In spite of my initial enthusiasm, I encountered frustration from day
one. Audiences and general punters are rarely seen outside of Club events
which lead to a general and consistent decline in both club volunteers

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 115

and workers’ morale. The immediate lack of volunteers and the paid
ground staff of just two people meant that I became isolated during the
initial stages of the project; personal initiative and a sense of autonomy
became my key allies. For example, when I arrived at the club on the first
day of studio fieldwork, I expected to be told what to do. While given
prior notice that I would be involved in the studio, I soon found it was
entirely up to me to get the project moving. Aware that there were three
other members of the studio collective (Dave, John and Anthony) I sug-
gested a meeting to formulate a work plan. However, as John was tied up
in the running/cleaning of the Club, and Anthony had a full-time job
and numerous other Club demands, it was obvious I needed to recruit
help to take the project forward. But this was after a number of attempts
at kick-starting the project on my own.

The lack of volunteers and staff meant it became virtually impossible,
at times, to remain focused on any one specific activity. Hence the early
days at the club were not entirely involved with work on the studio proj-
ect. Instead, I laminated membership-cards, cleaned the café, mopped
toilets, washed dishes, and assisted with general tasks that all underlay
the demands of everyday DIY activity. It is these activities that are the
cornerstone of daily survival and the reproduction of the Club. Daily,
thankless requirements of volunteers allow the Club to prepare for the
demands of large events and gigs, in addition to facilitating its function
as an everyday social hub for its three hundred strong membership. An-
thony’s diary entry reveals his frustration at being drawn into such tasks:

Saturday 21st Aug 2001

Drop in early at the club to take pastry out of the freezer to
thaw, draw some funds from the PA collective (I'd paid for
some cable and connectors in April with my credit card) — I
need to pay for the truck parts I’m about to collect. As ’m
leaving, the brewery arrives with a beer delivery. No one
else is around so I have to take care of it; as they finish,

the bar-steward arrives. They're early, or he’s late. But the
job got done anyhow in a spirit of no panic solidarity. Or
something.

Similar to Anthony, I became drawn into essential tasks in the club
and when it came to the studio had to either request assistance or become
motivated enough to begin the task myself.

John showed me what the initial tasks of the studio project were.
He said I should begin with hanging a door to allow the storeroom to

116 PUNKADEMICS

be separated from the main control room. I had no previous experience
of undertaking such activity and John was soon called away to another
task in the club. I wrote the following in the field-journal once work
had stopped because of a defective drill and my fruitless attempts to
fix it:

18/06/01. John arrived back at the club and managed to
get the drill going. The problem was solved by ‘banging’ the
drill on the studio wall. This was not something I was com-
fortable with, due to the danger of this practice, but after a
few ‘knocks’ the drill appeared to behave itself, though not
for long: the work stopped again.

The following week was equally frustrating. At every turn in building
the studio I found myself either distracted into other tasks or struggling
to complete tasks due to my lack of practical DIY (construction) skills.
The sense of frustration began to swell, as did the feeling that I was some-
how ‘missing out’ on the ‘real’ club activity and that self-observation was
pointless: participation was inhibiting observation.

What was apparent was that I would have to make things happen my-
selfin order to make any progress. Through my insider status in both the
Bradford and Leeds DIY punk scenes I recruited two new studio collec-
tive volunteers, who agreed to work for nothing. The first was one of the
Club sound engineers, Russ, who had helped construct the Club when
the building was purchased and also had long-standing involvement with
DIY music. He was a student of sound engineering at a local university
and was thus able to use this experience during the summer to expand
our knowledge of studio construction. He was ethically clear about why
he joined in with the studio project:

It will be a good space [...] I mean it will be a way, hope-
fully, of giving people skills. I do hope people will be able to
get in there and be able to learn the stuff and make mistakes
and gain another rung in the ladder of production. It will
make money for the club, hopefully. Use the space that’s
there, which is what the fucking building is for.

The second recruit, Scotty, was a club member who lived at the Leeds
squat-venue known as the ‘120Rats.’ He had been involved in renovating
that building from a run-down hovel into a functioning venue. Scotty
overheard me voicing my frustration about the studio project in the Club

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 17

café, and he volunteered his services. John’s reaction to Scotty’s input was
recorded in our interview:

I had no idea how skilled Scotty was going to be involved:
he was just sat in the cafe one day and I was moaning. I was
sat there going “fucking hell, I have got to go down that
fucking room and sit there. I can’t lift stuff and get stuff
right.” Then Scotty during one lunchtime said “I'll come
and give you a hand.”

The project then progressed rapidly through the use of the immedi-
ate contextual punk scene resources (the field of force). The majority
of the tools were of varying quality and were scattered throughout the
building. As I noted above, the drill was the first stumbling point. Russ,
in reaction to this sad state of affairs, supplied his own drill. The band
Chumbawamba donated £500 for the studio project gleaned from their
royalties for the popular song “Tubthumping,” which they had allowed
to be used in a car advert. Cocktail nights organised by the Club raised
£100 and, in addition, lin12 benefit gigs produced equal amounts of
project money. Finally, one of the central self-generating funding meth-
ods was the hourly-rate charged to bands using the practice room. From
various donations to the studio-project (via benefits, etc.), we now had
a small amount of money to purchase tools and these were procured at
various stages during construction. The project also had existing funds
for essential building materials that came from sources within the im-
mediate DIY punk network.

NAZIS AND THE BURNING OF ROME

As construction advanced towards the conclusion of my fieldwork,
the immediate field of force both inhibited and advanced the project
during an alarming event. Work was ongoing during the day of the Brad-
ford riots of July 7th 2001, when the British National Party (BNP) at-
tempted to march through Bradford and met with stiff opposition from
anti-fascist groups and local protestors.** On the Saturday of the riots,
the club was a staging post for Leeds Anti-Fascist Action and the café was
open and very busy. Club security was doubled, with members and vol-
unteers also posted on the top floor in order to scope out visitors before
permitting them entrance via the door buzzer system. Studio collective
members agreed to be present at the club due to Internet threats from the
BNP, posted on the Club website. Upon my arrival that day, I discovered

118 PUNKADEMICS

that there had been an attempt to set fire to the club by pouring engine
oil on one of the exterior walls and igniting it. The atmosphere in the
club that day was tense in light of both the failed arson attack and the
riots. Club members were in and out of the building, returning with
occasional reports of events during the run-up to the riots. Whilst this
was happening, work on the studio proceeded as usual. But in contrast
with the project’s previous work, a number of new people got involved;
four newcomers assisted to help complete of a section of the studio. The
audible backdrop to that day’s work was the sound of police helicopters,
breaking glass, and sirens. John commented that we were “building a
studio whilst Rome burned.”

Overall, the riots ironically aided the studio project’s progression,
though fear was very much evident in the general atmosphere that day.
Specifically, the Club was inspirational to newcomers who learned of its
activities. Here John was explicit:

Loads of people came in. People had come from London to
resist the NF and were going “Oohh, this place is great.” I
imagined I was in a World War I soup kitchen, on this sort
of wagon, a few hundred yards away from the front, ‘cause
people kept coming in talking about what was going on
and then having their burger and going out again. Mobile
phones were ringing and stuff and I was just, like, serving
food which is, sort of like, kind of mundane really, but it
was obvious that they needed to be fed and they did think
that the place was great.

What one can also observe here was the intersection of mutual aid
with the immediate fields of force, as the DIY community and club
members banded together in the face of a threat to the club, both to
build the studio and to protect the building from potential attack.

OUTCOMES AND POSTSCRIPT

My research observation at the club was completed by August 2001.
Scotty and Russ focused their attention elsewhere and the project stalled.
Without the volunteers and I, interest waned until Anthony and other
Club members picked things up later that year. That the studio project
halted for a time is evidence of the way the Club functions within the
immediate field of force. Uneven access to resources, both financial and
human, made for a slow conclusion to the project. But eventually, studio

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 119

equipment was installed in 2002 and two years later in 2004, the studio
project was up and running with a number of bands successfully record-
ing material that has since been released on DIY labels as vinyl, CDs
or free downloads that all stand as a testimony to the mutual efforts of
everyone involved. I returned there to record three 12-inch records with
my band during 2006-8, and the recordings were done at a fraction of
the cost of any commercial studio. As of mid-2011, ‘Studiolin12’ (as it
is now known) is exceedingly busy and has over twenty recorded albums
to its credit.

Though the process of building the studio stirred feelings of frus-
tration at the lack of progress, it is important to note that they were
counterbalanced with feelings of determination, success, fulfillment and
satisfaction. However, this sense of achievement was not equally shared
amongst all members. Here John is candid:

I haven't got the same sense of achievement building the
studio as I had building the practice room because it is like
having your second kid or something. It’s like you have
done it once. Obviously it’s exciting but it’s not the first
time it’s happened. I think when I actually hear a recording
[...] it will hit me the most.

Whilst John notes the lack of feeling fulfilled, he was enthusiastic
about the potential for the Club to achieve things that were deemed
previously impossible:

That sense that you can do what you want, really. Sort of
freedom, within reason, you know. It’s like today we can
just go, “Alright. We are going to build a recording studio.”

The Club provides spaces to achieve such goals and represents just
one example amongst a global network of DIY ventures that are practi-
cal applications of DIY punk ethics. Projects are gradually accomplished
if people are prepared to persevere within the demanding, immediate
contextual field of force. But of equal importance in this case was the
sharing of new skills between Club members. The DIY ethic had been
practically extended: Club members and participants in the UK punk
scene could now record cheaply and effectively, though this was certainly
not an easy undertaking. The significance this project represents in terms
of extending DIY cultural production is the shift from merely releas-
ing and distributing records independently, to taking physical control of

120 PUNKADEMICS

the recording process itself. This was unprecedented in the English DIY
punk scene. Sned’s comments reflect the more local effect of this success:

I think the practice room and the studio have definitely
improved the club. I am really looking forward to when our
band can record in the studio that has been built by friends.
I mean, that is everything that I am about with the band
[...] If we could have just pressed the fucker [the record]
there it would have been even better. But I mean that’s one
amazing, inspiring growth thing.

The frustrations of the project also serve to illuminate how DIY day-
to-day practices operate within an immediate field of force. The constant
reproductive tasks central to the survival of the Club mean that there
is high turnover of volunteers, a perennial scarcity of resources and a
lack of motivation, especially as the completion of essential daily tasks
distract and remove members from achieving goals swiftly. This factor
of ‘struggle’ leads to member burnout. That said, the extra revenue the
studio and practice room now bring in provides a welcomed addition to
the skeleton funding of the club. Indeed, my November 2006 recording
session witnessed a collapse of the Club’s sewage pipe from strong winds,
and our studio fees directly paid for its repair (Dave also donated his fee
to the Club). Whilst such acts are largely ad hoc, and operate under the
anarcho-syndicalist badge of mutual aid “by all means necessary,” the
feelings of achievement (however sporadic) that spring from the success-
ful completion of a DIY project are chief motivational factors in the DIY
punk scene.

ETHNOGRAPHY AND CONTEXT

So what of the external, contextual field of force? In this case, it is a
balance between the requirements of the academy (scholarship and re-
search), the ethical context of the culture, and the participant status of
the researcher. There are three dilemmas evident in undertaking a partici-
pant observation of one’s own culture; I offer a short discussion of these
by way of a conclusion.

First, in terms of undertaking the ethnography there was a con-
flict of interest regarding my use of a university scholarship (public
money) to conduct research. Whilst the other club-members were toil-
ing wage free in that studio, I was in receipt of a generous research
grant and thus partially removed from the pressures of daily survival.

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 121

As a club member and long-time scene participant, this raised ethi-
cal issues for me: ones that have left a prolonged sense of guilt. Was
I gaining, career-wise, from this undertaking, or was the club gain-
ing from free labour power? Second, the fact that my long-term career
prospects were secured by my research on the DIY punk scene has left
me feeling ethically uneasy about the work. Have I indeed used this
whole process as a career stepping-stone and potentially lost my scene
credibility as a result? My immediate reaction to this question is “No,”
but the question persists. I also find it very difficult to now turn off my
“ethnographic imagination” when participating in DIY activity; this is
an occasional source of mental discomfort and anxiety.** Consequences
of fieldwork have had a profound effect on my way of ‘seeing’ both
my daily existence and my standing within the punk scene. Somewhat
uncomfortably, I cannot easily switch off the role of fieldworker in
non-research social situations. Third, in terms of the external context
alluded to above, the narrativisation of club members into an academic
discourse to which they are not privy, leaves me with an equal feel-
ing of discomfort. Transferring the struggle of DIY daily practice into
academic concerns and debates places me in the precarious position
of both a participant and a commentator with reflexive positions of
control in terms of the power of representation. With the institutional
connections and financial support of my fieldwork have I indeed, and
ironically, ‘sold out’? This is a serious question that has had a long-
standing impact upon both my sense of self and my standing in a scene
based upon equality. To wit, I am now, post-viva, frequently referred
to (by some of those involved in the research) as “Dr. Punk”: a rather
patronising, yet equally disciplinary term.

These personal dilemmas, or ones like them, seem unavoidable if one
is to generate authentic data though fieldwork in one’s own ‘backyard.’
Hypothetically, one solution to avoiding such feelings would be to em-
ploy a participant with no previous insider-experience in punk culture
to conduct the field research on my behalf. The researcher could enter
the field a ‘stranger’ and remain much closer to the external, contextual
academic field than the community under observation. Both financially
and practically, this is unrealistic. But more to the point, what one gains
in critical distance one necessarily loses in detail and the opportunity to
offer an authentic description of DIY punk. Generally then, the solu-
tion to this dilemma is the one I employed: suffer an uneasy trade-off
in which, on the one hand, my ethical integrity as a researcher and the
authenticity of the research were both preserved, but at the same time,
the uncomfortable personal consequences of the research were accepted,

122

PUNKADEMICS

leaving me uneasy about my status as both an academic and a long-time

participant in the DIY punk scene.

Herein lies the unresolved “ethnographic predicament,” previously
identified by Clifford, which stems from researching one’s own culture.*°

Ethnographic writing produced within the immediate and external con-

textual fields of force is hitherto a/ways a careful balance between meth-

odological platforms. Engaging in participant observation of a culture

in which one has long-standing links and commitments will often raise

a host of potential problems related to both professional and personal

integrity: some of which have long-term residual consequences.

NOTES
Jon Savage, England’ Dreaming: Sex Pistols and Punk Rock (London: Fa-
ber and Faber, 1991), p. 281.
See George McKay, Senseless Acts of Beauty: Cultures of Resistance Since
the 1960s (London: Verso, 1996); George McKay (Ed.), DiY Culture:
Party & Protest in Nineties Britain (London: Verso, 1998); Brian Edge,
924 Gilman: The Story So Far (San Francisco: Maximumrocknroll Press,
2004); Berger, The Story of Crass (London: Omnibus Press, 2006).
See Alex Ogg, Independence Days: The Story of UK Independent Record
Labels (London: Cherry Red, 2009), p. iii.
Keith Negus, Producing Pop: Culture and Conflict in the Popular Music
Industry (London: Edward Arnold, 1992).
This is one aspect of DiY culture that has transferable potential for any
researcher seeking to examine this ethical legacy in commensurate fields,
for example hip-hop or political activism.
Michel de Certeau The Practice of Everyday Life (Los Angeles: University
of California Press, 1984), p. 176; Henry Jenkins, Textual Poachers: Tele-
vision Fans and Participatory Culture (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 24.
See Alan O’Connor, Whos Emma: Autonomous Zone and Social Anar-
chism (Toronto: Confused Editions, 2002).
See Alan O’Connor, Punk Record Labels and the Struggle for Autonomy:
The Emergence of DiY Culture (Plymouth: Lexington, 2008).
Karen O'Reilly, Key Concepts in Ethnography (London: Sage, 2009), pp.
51-56.
Ibid, pp. 109-118.
Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson, Ethnography: Principles in Prac-
tice, 2nd Edition (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 9.
Analytical problems of field-data analysis were addressed by following
Glaser and Strauss’s “grounded theory” method. Such procedure also

20

21
22

BUILDING RECORDING STUDIOS WHILST BRADFORD BURNED 123

involved engagement with Strauss and Corbin’s model of the “condi-
tional matrix,” that frames how ethnographic accounts are written up
by taking into account contextual inhibitors such as resources, events
and consequences. The conditional matrix is a component of Strauss
and Corbin’s grounded theory data analysis technique; it is principally
used in the present research as a tool to incorporate wider cultural in-
tervening factors, such as the Bradford riots. The conditional matrix is
described as, an “analytic aid, a diagram, useful for considering the wide
range of conditions and consequences related to the phenomenon under
study. The matrix enables the analyst to both distinguish and link levels
of condition and consequences” (Strauss and Corbin, p. 158). However,
such accounts say little of the general legacy of writing ethnography by
an insider and this is an issue for further discussion. See Anselm Strauss
and Juliet Corbin, Basics of Qualitative Research Techniques and Procedures
jor Developing Grounded Theory (London: Sage Publications, 1990), pp.
158-175; Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded
Theory (Chicago: Aldine, 1968).

As noted by Hammersley and Atkinson: “values refer to the human po-
tential that is built into the unfolding of history,” p. 15.

See James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Eth-
nography, Literature and Art (Cambrdige, MA: Harvard University Press,
1988).

Clifford, 1988, pp. 255-276; Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pan-
theon Books, 1978).

Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production (Cambridge: Polity,
1993). For examples of this terminological crossover, see O’Connor,
2008.

Savage, 1991, p. 281.

Marcus Gray, The Clash: Return of the Last Gang in Town (London: Helter
Skelter, 2001), p.153.

Hakim Bey, TA.Z The Temporary Autonomous Zone, Ontological Anarchy,
Poetic Terrorism (Camberley: Green Anarchist Books, 1991), p. 1.
O'Connor, 2008; Pierre Bourdieu: Distinction: A Critique of the Judg-
ment of Taste (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984); Bour-
dieu, 1993.

See McKay, 1998, pp. 1-53.

See Elizabeth Nelson, The British Counterculture 1966-73: A Study of the
Underground Press (London: Macmillan, 1989); Stephen Duncombe,
Notes from Underground: Zines and the Politics of Alternative Culture
(London: Verso, 1998); John Downing with Tamara Villarreal Ford, Ge-
néve Gil and Laura Stein, Radical Media: Rebellious Communication and

124

23

24

25

26
27

28

29
30
31

32
33

34

35

36

PUNKADEMICS

Social Movements (London: Sage, 2001); Christopher Atton, Alternative
Media (London: Sage, 2002).

Michael Billig, Talking of the Royal Family (London: Routledge, 1992).
Peter Golding and Graham Murdock, “Culture, Communications, and
Political Economy,” in eds. James Curran and Michael Gurevitch, Mass
Media and Society (London: Edward Arnold, 1991), pp. 60-83.

Gabriel Kuhn, Sober Living for the Revolution: Hardcore Punk, Straight
Edge, and Radical Politics (Oakland, PM Press, 2010), p. 15.

See O’Connor, 2008.

Ogg produced a robust study of the history and legacy of the UK in-
dependent record label. Whilst anarcho-punk and its legion of subse-
quent projects have similarities to corporate production houses, there is
a fundamental difference worthy of note. Broadly, independent labels
still operate within the confines of the profit motive and equally within
the organisation frameworks of major labels. By contrast, anarcho-punk
and DiY record labels operate within the schema of complete control of
the space of cultural production, thus keeping to an absolute minimum
contact and engagement with major label or capitalist music institutions.
See Penny Rimbaud (aka J.J Ratter), Shibboleth: My Revolting Life (Edin-
burgh: AK Press, 1998); McKay 1996; Berger, 2006; John Robb, Punk
Rock: An Oral History (London: Ebury Press, 2006); Ogg, 2009; Chris
Daily, Everybodys Scene: The Story of Connecticuts Anthrax Club (Har-
risburg: Butter Goose Press, 2009); Ian Glasper, Trapped in a Scene: UK
Hardcore 1985-1989 (London: Cherry Red Books 2009).

Rimbaud, p. 62 (emphasis is mine).

What is the lin12?, (1in12 Twelve Pamphlets, 1995).

Rimbaud, p. 124.

What is the lin12?, p.3.

For a complete discussion of the recent layout of the US Di¥ label system
and associate field, see O’Connor, 2008.

The Bradford Riots ended with the Manningham area (of Bradford) in
flames, with millions of pounds of damage inflicted. A car showroom
and the Labour club were firebombed, with both white and Asian busi-
nesses finding themselves under attack by over a thousand Asian youths
who were disgusted at the proposed march of the BNP through Brad-
ford. Over 500 people were injured, 83 premises and 23 businesses were
damaged at an estimated cost of £7.5m. (BBC News, October 15, 2007).
For detailed discussion of this issue see Paul Willis, Zhe Ethnographic
Imagination (Cambridge: Polity, 2000).

See Clifford, 1988.

STEVPHEN SHUKAITIS

GROWING UP CLICHED

IT SEEMS, DESPITE my best wishes otherwise, that I grew up somewhat
clichéd. To be more precise, I grew up somewhere in suburban or ex-
urban Pennsylvania, in an area populated by a curious collection of back-
water rednecks and ex-New Yorkers trying to escape urban blight. It was,
and still is, a location where a decaying economy served as fertilizer for
flowering of discontented youth, but one that expresses this discontent
through what is perhaps not an all too imaginative arsenal of expression.

For me, the space of discontent found to be most welcoming was
the local punk scene, to the degree that there was one. Maybe less of a
musical scene in any sense that would be recognized as one, but more a
conglomeration of marginal social identities and forms (punks, goths,
performance artists, literary types, etc.). Given that, it is not so surprising
that I ended becoming involved and thinking about radical politics and
art, starting through a series of what, in retrospect, would be described as
less than mind blowing punk bands. In these short lived projects, aside
from trying to bastardize together forms of music that did not always
fit, I thought that if I managed to write a song that had just the right
progression of chords and composition, the state itself would fall apart
and some form of a glorious revolution would occur. In case you didn’t
notice, this didn’t happen.

Some years after that, I found myself in the streets of New York for
the worldwide protests against what was then the impending war in Iraq.
In this case, it seemed that somehow, if we managed to get enough bodies
in the streets, this would reach some critical point that would translate
into the war not happening. This same idea was not confined to anti-
war demos but fed through other forms of protest action, where it often
seemed that if there just enough bodies, enough mass built up, then
whatever particular questionable institutional or social arrangement (the
IME capitalism, lack of health care, treatment of animals, etc.), would
ultimately be transformed.

126 PUNKADEMICS

Both of these examples are connected by a magical conception and
understanding: The idea that a certain set of actions or gestures would,
by themselves, accomplish an outcome far exceeding what would reason-
ably be considered possible (if you actually thought about it for more
than a few seconds). But if both of them are underpinned by magical
conceptions, is that really such a problem? I'd suggest not, because even
if in both situations what was hoped for did not actually come about
(revolution spurred on by music, prevention of a war or effecting massive
social change through a protest manifestation), these efforts put into ac-
tion other forms of social energies and collective becomings. Other social
relations became possible, composed through the performance involved.

And this is what P’ve learned most from punk, as a radical pedagogi-
cal apparatus for conveying ideas, shaping social relations and building
communities. Punk is important precisely for how it finds ways to marry
together political content in context and social relations. Or to put it
another way, I learned just as much through the kinds of cooperative
relations created through self-organizing shows, zines, musical projects
and releases as I did by reading the liner notes of Yes, Sir I Will by Crass
or thinking about the Gang of Four’s lyrics. Punk, as a technology of
rebellion, works most effectively (and affectively) when the process of
artistic composition exists through a process of social composition, of
bringing together and enacting other ways to live and be together in the
world; ways not based on the values of capitalism or other forms of social
domination and exclusion.

In the years after I started to become more interested in radical poli-
tics and organizing, I moved to New York City and got involved in the
anti-globalization movement as well as various autonomous media proj-
ects. Since then, I have been very inspired by the tradition of radical
politics most commonly known as autonomism, which focuses on both
the kinds of social compositions that radical politics brings together, and
also understanding how these composed forms of social relations have
a primary role in shaping the world we live in. When I encountered
these kinds of ideas they made sense to me through what I had already
experienced with DIY organizing. Punk creates not just moments of ex-
cessive noise, but also moments of sociality excessive to capital: interac-
tions and relations that are pushed beyond the commodity form and
the domination of wage labor. And I don’t think I was by any means the
only person for whom punk was a gateway into radical politics, and for
whom it represented what the autonomists would call a self-valorization
of cooperative practices and relations. The same networks underlying
and connecting the infrastructures of the DIY punk scene fed through,

GROWING UP CLICHED 127

and supported, the formation of other projects and forms, like Food Not
Bombs, Reclaim the Streets, and what eventually became known as the
anti-globalization movement. This is the same trajectory that the folks
who are now involved in the militant research and organizing project,
Team Colors, followed: from the organizing of shows and social centers —
which were understood as holding the potential to move beyond capital
— to teasing out a radical politics starting from these relations.

Given how shitty it is in most of what the world population experi-
ences as their working lives, a pressing problem to address once you've
started to move beyond punk-as-pure-negation, is the question of what
might be another way to organize economic relations cooperatively. This
fed into a project I was involved in for several years: a worker-owned
and -run record label, Ever Reviled Records. ERR produced and released
music not only by punk bands, but from bands across a wide variety
of genres (folks, blues, etc); the label was formed more around the idea
of continuing to build a politicized counterculture. The purpose and
method of ERR was a form of propaganda, but not only through the
ideas contained with the music released and events organized, but also
through the idea that creating cooperative forms of social relations and
self-organization were themselves forms of propaganda. We understood
what we were doing as direct action. Direct action not in the sense that
it was any kind of direct confrontation or contestation, but that through
creating self-organized forms and means for ourselves was to act directly,
and without mediation or recourse to the state.

But creating forms of self-organized communities and cooperative
relations are not enough in themselves. One of the main things I have
learned from autonomist politics and analysis is that the problem of re-
cuperation is inevitable, but this is not such a problem, or the problem
that it appears to be. Recuperation in the sense meaning the process
through which an idea or politics that was formerly radical or subversive
becomes adapted into existing forms of power, whether by forms of state
power, or more commonly by being turned into a commodity form, and
sold back to us. And this presents itself as an obvious problem, as we're
constantly confronted with any new idea, art form, or energy of social
vitality being turned into another marketing campaign or something
worse. But what I have learned from autonomist politics is that this hap-
pens constantly because it is capitalism itself that is parasitic and can only
thrive and develop through its ability to render these social energies into
new forms of capital accumulation and governance.

But recuperation is also not the problem it is often thought to be.
‘The fact that it occurs does not mean that it is the end of radical politics.

128 PUNKADEMICS

Rather it means that any radical politics will face the problem, and main-
tain itself and its subversive potentiality by working through and against
these dynamics. Recuperation thus offers new points of intervention for
rethinking and rearticulating the very nature of radical politics. This is
perhaps the greatest illustrative value of post-punk and no wave, in how
they put forward one approach to recuperation. What does post-punk
have to with the problem of recuperation? It’s simple. Post-punk was for
those who weren't in the right place or time to take part in the overly
fetishized media version of ‘the rise of punk.’ But not being there at
the ‘right’ moment doesn’t mean there is no social energy or potential
in punk. Rather, it just means you have to rip things up and start over
again.

This is the creative recombinant dynamics of post-punk that Simon
Reynolds explores in his book on it. You have to rip it up and start again
both because of the problem of recuperation and that of falling into
creative stasis and stagnation. Post-punk arises at the moment where the
open space, creativity, and anger unleashed in the space opened up by
punk became reduced to self-parody, formula, and unintended recu-
peration. People who weren't lucky enough to be in the metropolitan
areas where punk originated found ways to turn the conditions of post-
industrial cities and the ex-urban decay into materials for starting again.
Things had just become stale and uninspiring. Ripping it up and starting
again isn’t necessarily a nihilist gesture, or pure negation, by breaking
forms and practices up so that an open and creative space can be main-
tained. And this is what post-punk bands did, borrowing from the his-
tory of avant-garde experimentation to create new forms of dissonance,
or working between social alliances of bohemian elements and working
class kids to enable new forms of social cooperation and being together
in the world.

Punk then is not a moment but a territory, something that creates
a space for other forms of being together and mapping out a space for
bringing about another world in common. It is, to borrow an idea from
Deleuze and Guattari, a refrain. In the way that a child sings a song to
herself to create a safe space in the dark, we too sing songs, both by our-
selves and together, to create a space for ourselves in a world is indeed
dark and troubled. It is the melodies and vibrations that compose a ter-
ritory as they resonate through us in the territory we find ourselves in,
and through that change that territory. This is punk not as a manic burst
of energy that declares itself and then putters out after three minutes (or
both sides of the 7”), but the creation of plateaus of energies and vibra-
tions, of ways of relating and being together, that branch out into other

GROWING UP CLICHED 129

projects and vibrations. Punk isn’t punk because of the arrangement of
chords, the speed of the songs, or a layer of crust in appearance, but in
the way it breaks through the layers of social stagnation in everyday life
and builds something else in its cracks.

In the new intro to the reprint of Last of the Hippies, Penny Rimbaud
(the drummer for Crass and member of many other artistic-political
projects during the past forty years), makes two comments that have re-
ally stuck with me as being important. The first is that most academics
writing about punk totally miss the point, precisely because they end of
focusing on the media spectacle of it (the Sex Pistols, news scandals, puk-
ing punks in gutters) rather than the forms of radical politics that grow
around and through it. And secondly, the kinds of social antagonism and
rebellion that found their expression in anarchist punk were by no means
new, but just one incarnation of the almost timeless desire to subvert
social domination in all its forms and embody more cooperative ways of
living and being in the world.

ESTRELLA TORREZ

PUNK PEDAGOGY:

EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION AND
LOVE

“LET ME SAY, WITH THE RISK OF APPEARING
RIDICULOUS, THAT THE TRUE REVOLUTIONARY

IS GUIDED BY STRONG FEELINGS OF LOVE. IT

IS IMPOSSIBLE TO THINK OF AN AUTHENTIC
REVOLUTIONARY WITHOUT THIS QUALITY...THEY
CANNOT DESCEND, WITH SMALL DOSES OF DAILY
AFFECTION, TO THE PLACES WHERE ORDINARY MEN PUT
THEIR LOVE INTO PRACTICE.”

THE ABOVE STATEMENT made by the revolutionary icon, Ché Guevara,
encapsulates my experiences as both an educator and hardcore kid.? Un-
derstanding, accepting, and internalizing our own love, while allowing it
to guide our daily interactions, reinforces respective humanity. It unites
us with others, with our community and with our environments, con-
structed and natural. Following Paulo Freire, I believe that it is acting out
of love when truly revolutionary acts happen. After years of involvement
in hardcore, it was my strong belief in this concept of “love” that eventu-
ally moved me out of the hardcore scene completely. Having internalized
the spirit of an emotionally filled environment, which at one time was so
compelling, I walked away from hardcore. This essay, a lamentation of
sorts, chronicles my simultaneous experiences attempting to create a uni-
versity course situated in punk pedagogy and my struggles to understand
punk as a pedagogical tool.

As a teenager, hardcore’s undeniably anger-drenched, politically
charged music drew me in and plunked me into a group of kids that

132 PUNKADEMICS

were eager to question hegemonic ideologies. Its overtly emotional al-
lure paralleled the countless injustices that my family, a settled migrant
farmworker family in rural America, had come to view as normalized.
For the first time in my short life, I saw that it was acceptable (and even
expected) to be outwardly angry with the microaggressions directed by
the predominantly white community toward my Mexican family. For
once, my questions did not raise eyebrows or stop a conversation in its
discursive tracks. What an energizing feeling to be part of a conversation,
rather than simply the receiving end of a whispered conversation. In the
rural Midwestern community where I was raised, the conciliatory appa-
ratus given to young Latinos allowed navigation of the rural town’s social
landmines, while suggesting that we silently accept the racism that rid-
dled our lives. This, of course, was a formal survival mechanism. While
T accepted these words of wisdom from my family, I secretly screamed in
frustration at our self-imposed silence. In response to our familial silence,
hardcore (both the music and the subculture) inversely expected that I
scream aloud. What an incredibly liberating feeling for a young Xicana
feminist raised in a patriarchal, racist, and classist society.

Unfortunately, after a number of years, countless shows, festivals,
and workshops, I took notice of the over-representation of white, middle
class boys (not quite men) propagating the sorrowful lives of white sub-
urbia. As a former farmworker, personally living the atrocities of Ameri-
can capitalism, the lyrical content felt insincere and naive. Moreover, it
did not reflect my own lived reality. Regrettably, the world began to feel
empty once again (a good time for the emptiness of emocore to enter
my life). While white boys on stage jokingly stripped naked, their songs
stopped resonating with me. Girls spent too much time looking straight
edge and the frequent critiques of my choice to pursue higher education
solidified my personal desire to leave a scene that at one point had been
my only solace.

Those who vehemently sung lyrics raging about social inequities did
not act upon the injustices embodied within their music and it became
disappointingly apparent that the musical rage was purely performance
without action. This once liberating and liberated space where education
had occurred had instead become a site for schooling, a socializing space
to train youth to be more punk than the next kid. I decided I wanted no
part of this stagnant system. In the spring of 1998, I thanked hardcore
for its role in my life and left my last show as frustrated as I entered the
musical scene.

However, as my life continued, it became apparent that while you can
take the kid out of the scene, hardcore will always rage within. At some

PUNK PEDAGOGY 133

point, it will once again emerge in our daily actions. In the following
essay, I endeavor to describe my attempts, as a thirty-something straight
edge Midwest Xicana vegan scholar and mother to bridge punk pedago-
gies within a university setting. However, as you proceed through this
essay, do not be misled in that this is a ‘how-to’ manual. Do not assume
that I flawlessly execute punk pedagogy, or even that I know exactly what
punk pedagogy is. Instead, what follows is my attempt to create mean-
ingful environment within the university based on a teaching philosophy
which I began to call punk pedagogy. Based in my own hardcore youth, as
well as my training within critical pedagogy, these attempts are couched
within Freire’s acts of love, passion, and fear — much like the very back-

drop of hardcore itself.

CRITICAL PEDAGOGY

In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Paolo Freire argues “Freedom is acquired
by conquest, not by gift. It must be pursued constantly and responsibly.”?
In this way, we must actively pursue freedom rather than believe it is
simply an entitlement that will be given to us. However, we cannot reach
this point without first recognizing our role in the ongoing relationship
of oppression oscillating between oppressor and oppressed. In this dialec-
tic relationship, a clear division is commonly drawn between teacher and
student based on a false notion of objectivity. The current educational
systems holds steadfast to the notion that teachers are the owners of
knowledge, while students are empty receptacles into which knowledge
is poured. From this perspective, known as the banking model, educa-
tion is a process of transferring information in a linear manner, rather
than the dialogic production and transformation of knowledge.

I believe that education is a fundamentally empowering, liberat-
ing, and healing cycle of reciprocity between teacher and learner. Many
university classrooms are shaped by a neoliberal agenda pushing for
“educational policy to be centered on the economy and around perfor-
mance objectives based on closer connection between schooling and
paid work.”* Consequently, as learning institutions struggle to maintain
funding and turn to business-like models of generating entrepreneurial
scholars, punkademics must fight to preserve counter-hegemonic sites of
education within the corporate university. It is our individual respon-
sibility to reclaim spaces of learning, despite pressures to propagate a
degree-factory ethos.

Personally, I envision education and schooling as very different pro-
cesses. In fact, the distinction between the two is quite obvious once

134 PUNKADEMICS

outlined by Ivan Illich. Schooling is an institutionalized space meant to
socialize individuals into societal norms, while education is a fluid process
by which knowledge is transmitted, contextualized, and transformed.’
Accordingly, education is a space where “knowledge emerges only in
invention and reinvention, through the restless, impatient, continuing,
hopeful inquiry human beings pursue in the world, with the world and
with each other.”® Unfortunately, as research indicates, these spaces are
declining at an alarming rate, particularly as universities shift their focus
from nurturing humanistic development to nurturing corporate rela-
tionships. As individual states in the US diminish funding for higher
education, universities scramble to fill the financial gap by pressing fac-
ulty to go after foundation dollars in a process that at times removes
them from their duties as educators.

Through this process, many universities are transformed into corpo-
rations, not places of education. Criticality and a praxis-based relation
to knowledge production is void within this model, with faculty fre-
quently unable to carve autonomous spaces for this process to emerge.
In K-12 education, No Child Left Behind continues to supplant testing
for assessment, which also suppresses the creative and activist impulses
within education at the elementary and secondary levels.’ In this envi-
ronment, students become raw material to be processed, inculcated with
false notions of meritocracy, alienated from their own development as
human beings, and spit out as apathetic products. Despite my position
as a faculty member who feels the tenure-system pressure to pursue an
entrepreneurial trajectory, I remain steadfast in my belief that university
education should emerge from intentional forms of critical pedagogy.

Through critical pedagogy, students and faculty alike endeavor to
think about, negotiate through, and transform the relationship between
the schooling institution, the production of knowledge, and its relation-
ship to civil society.* Furthermore, as Joan Wink identifies, critical peda-
gogy “teaches us to name, to reflect critically, and to act,” skills I once
thought were at the foundation of hardcore.’ While critical pedagogy has
no singular definition, I evoke its applicability in an attempt to discuss
a methodology that is grounded in the contextual intricacies that are
neither static nor void of human experience.

PHILOSOPHY OF PUNK

As many books and documentaries have publicized, punk became an
identifiable youth subculture vis-a-vis the expressions of working class
white youth in the UK. For these marginalized kids, punk was manifest

PUNK PEDAGOGY 135

in a form of nihilistic and destructive aesthetic attacking mainstream
ideologies. In these nihilistic explosions, punk enraptured disdain. Un-
beknownst to many outside punk and hardcore scenes, the subculture’s
historical roots predate cultural icons, such as the Sex Pistols. Punk is
not torn-and-tattered clothing held together by safety pins or brightly
colored mohawks. Although the media (and Hop Topic capitalists) would
have us believe that punk is a fashion statement paralleling a brief period
of teenage rebellion. In fact, hardcore is both an epistemology (world-
view) and ontology (nature of being). It is more than a lifestyle, even if it
has an ideological stance. Punk is the everyday embodiment of anger and
alienation. It is a critique of hegemony and the advocacy against confor-
mity. To be punk, one must not only reject complacent consumerism
but simultaneously question why she yearns for the material objects that
occupy the spaces in our lives meant for love toward humanity. To be
punk is to recognize how commodity fetishism supplants the spaces that
allow us to work toward a just world, a world where we actively listen,
respond, and dialogue.

As Craig O’Hara recognizes in The Philosophy of Punk, “punks ques-
tion conformity not only by looking and sounding different, but by
questioning the prevailing modes of thought.”'? Punk philosophy is an
amalgamation of early punk goals that expressed “their rage in a harsh
and original way” and whose “most hated thing in the world was some-
one who was willing conformist.” In this fashion, DIY (do-it-yourself)
ideals call upon punks to stop relying on capitalist institutions by cre-
ating alternative means of production (whether it be music, fanzines,
clothing, or even knowledge), thereby determining our personal and col-
lective realities. While dominant education alienates youth from their
individual life-worlds, punk pedagogy requires that individuals take on
personal responsibility (anarchist agency in the face of capitalist struc-
turalism) by rejecting their privileged places in society and working in
solidarity with those forced on the fringes. By doing so, we strike to undo
hegemonic macrostructures.

A WORKING DEFINITION OF PUNK
PEDAGOGY

While punk philosophy frames how we interact with outside society,

it likewise shapes our position as educators and the manner by which
we construct the classroom (and other sites of knowledge sharing) as a
learning environment. It is this particular pedagogical approach, influ-
enced by our lived realities as punks, that we are able to establish a punk

136 PUNKADEMICS

pedagogy. Punk pedagogy is a manifestation of equity, rebellion, critique,
self-examination, solidarity, community, love, anger, and collaboration.
It is space where the teacher—learner hierarchy is disavowed and the nor-
mative discourse of traditional education is dissembled. This particular
pedagogy is, for me, a teaching practice that attempts to extrapolate the
individual dimension from the social being. In a conversation with Myles
Horton, co-founder of the Highland Folk School, Paulo Freire asserts
that, “we cannot be explained by what we do individually, but undoubt-
edly there is a certain individual dimension of the social realization.”
There is an undeniable relationship between our individual actions and
our collective possibilities.

As “formally” trained educators, we are frequently led to believe we
are “experts” and in turn carry ourselves as such. It is in this misguided
belief that we internalize the false notion of “complete” self, which has
little to learn from anyone other than fellow “experts.” When describ-
ing Freire’s work in democratic education, Carlos Alberto Torres asserts,
“Democracy implies a process of participation in which all are consid-
ered equal. However, education involves a process whereby the ‘imma-
ture’ are brought to identify with the principles and life forms of the
‘mature’ members of society.”!? As a punk, I wholeheartedly oppose the
idea of being an “expert,” particularly when this is applied to individuals
creating and disseminating a form of knowledge completely disengaged
from the communities it is meant to represent.

Punk pedagogy requires individual responsibility for social actions,
while invoking continuous reflexivity in our quotidian actions uphold-
ing supra institutions of oppression. While critical pedagogy is tradition-
ally known to circulate in the walls academe, and punk ideologies are
often times associated with youth counter-cultures, it is my belief that
these two parallels can and do meet once punks begin to claim space
within the academic world. It is my contention that we, what Zack Fur-
ness calls punkademics, carry with us the vestiges of punk culture into
our pedagogical and classroom practices. If this is the case, the question
becomes: once punkademics enter the university, can we merge punk
ideology with a localized critical pedagogy in an institution that prolifer-
ates capitalism as the dominant economic modality?

MOVING TOWARD A PUNK PEDAGOGY

What does punk pedagogy mean? How does one engage in a punk
pedagogy in the classroom, particularly if that individual is untenured?
How can we, as punkademics, pursue a pedagogy committed to truly

PUNK PEDAGOGY 137

challenging the “hidden curriculum” that is threatening to dismantle
higher education? In an era when apathy has become increasingly ram-
pant and the school system is on the brink of a nationalized curriculum,
can punk pedagogy reclaim the political space of the classroom? In my
experience, I find these counter hegemonic spaces can and do exist, re-
gardless if faculty members consciously pursue a punk pedagogy. As I
stated before, this chapter is not intended to be a how-to manual or even
a functional model, rather this text is meant to begin a discussion of how
our individual and collective experiences as punks influence our teaching
in the academy.

Recently, I taught a course focused on youth subcultures’ linguistic
and cultural practices as forms of resistance. The course objectives chal-
lenged students to interrogate and deconstruct their ideological positions
on rebellion, complicity, and social roles in a dominator-culture.'4 One
such core objective was for the students to consider the cultural signifi-
cance in what Dick Hebdige terms mundane objects, those objects that
symbolize self-imposed exile.!* For Hebdige, these subcultural objects
become icons, representations of forbidden identities or sources of value.
The course’s objectives interrogated the shift occurring when mundane
objects, icons of consumer culture rejection, become sublimated by
dominator-culture. What happens when these mundane “punk” objects
are sold in department stores, such as Hot Topic, inevitably transforming
these counter-cultural items into capitalist fodder.

In retrospect, the course had many difficulties. Honestly, the course
became a painful experience stored away in the deep recesses of other-
wise successful teaching experiences. As I write this essay, my stomach
twists, begging me not to dredge up and return to those excruciating
sixteen weeks of class. The course was riddled with issues from the onset.
Pedagogically, the intent was to structure the course providing students
maximum flexibility and ownership over classroom content and course
design. However, my own training to be an “expert” overtook my ideals,
resulting in a well-developed syllabus, complete with pre-selected foun-
dational readings and an instructor-designed final project, including an
adjoining analytical paper.'®

My vision was to have a course where students thoroughly enjoyed
the readings, arriving at our weekly seminars ready to engage in discus-
sions examining our individual and social responsibility to heal an ailing
society. Instead, the course transpired in a way that the readings con-
fused the students, many of whom desired one-dimensional lectures. In
turn, seminar conversation was often stagnant and uninformed. My ini-
tial attempt to create a “punk classroom,” where we moved “from being

138 PUNKADEMICS

passive consumers of ideology to active participants in their cultures,”
fell painfully flat.!” Perhaps, more lectures presenting the readings’ chief
arguments could have made the students more comfortable; however,
lecturing seemed antithetical to the very structure of the seminar, which
was based on the collaborative construction of knowledge. Whereas,
I unreservedly reject the “banking model” of education that assumes
knowledge is seen as a gift bestowed upon students from those more
knowledgeable to others who are considered to know nothing; students
were uncomfortable in such a learning environment.!®

During the semester, we covered multiple youth subcultures around
the world, beginning with Chicano zoot suiters and ending with nerdy
girls, each section focused on a subcultural group which rebelled against
the society that marginalized their respective communities based on class,
race, gender, sexual orientation, etc. Course discussions examined the im-
petus of each respective subculture, including its core ideals, attitudes, lan-
guage usage, and in-group visual markers. The goal, as I envisioned it, was
to engage in meaningful dialogue critiquing the preconceived notions of
subcultures, factors contributing to those preconceptions, and the historic
significance of subcultures within the US. Moreover, I intended the class
to illustrate how youth were not always apathetic or complacent in the so-
cial constructs restricting their development as human beings. As O’Hara
notes, “there is a current feeling in modern society of an alienation so pow-
erful and widespread that it has become commonplace and widespread...
It is as if we have all been brought here to function for ourselves in a way
that does not include others.”!” One such objective was to investigate how
global youth, out of contumacy, reject their socially constructed destiny by
participating in direct or in-direct action.

For example, the section on nerdy girls called upon students to inter-
rogate the existence of rebellion and what constitutes a rebellious act.
Here, I wanted students to reflect on their own gendered ideas of re-
bellion, commonly limited by masculine constructions of resistance, ac-
tions such as open acts of misguided anger, property destruction, brick
throwing, and “punk fashion” as true markers of rebellion. Inversely, self-
identifying nerdy girls revolt against the conventional adage that to be
“cool” women must disengage their bodies from their intellects and oc-
cupy themselves with particular cultural material markers, friend choice,
and social practices.” Mary Burcholtz observes,

For girls, nerd identity also offers an alternative to the
pressures of hegemonic femininity-an ideological construct
that is at best incompatible with, and at its worst hostile to,

PUNK PEDAGOGY 139

female intellectual ability. Nerd girls’ conscious opposition

to this ideology is evident in every aspect of their lives...”?!

Their brightly colored dress reflects their affinity for fantastical crea-
tures and positive attitude. Consequently (after much cajoling), the class
decided that although, nerdy girls did not listen to Bikini Kill and wore
primary colors, they were, in fact, intentionally participating in rebellion.

Even if the students eventually began to critically think about these
concepts, the class was an uphill battle and ended in poor instructor
evaluations (hopefully this is not indicative of my actual abilities as a
professor). In these documents, students commented that the professor
did not “lecture enough” and that I was “unorganized,” to use only two
prominent themes. Upon readings the evaluations, I was emotionally
and pedagogically crushed, even if I also knew when the individual class
sessions failed. I spent the rest of the day curled up in the fetal position.

What the hell happened with the class? Where, exactly, did it go
wrong? The syllabus was laid out in such a way to encourage student
input and I explicitly described our collaborative roles in the course, both
teachers and learners in the process. As I began to think through the
semester, my initial defensive response was that students were clearly not
ready for taking responsibility for their learning, and were instead more
concerned with a grade rather than engaging in their education.

But then, after a few weeks of disappointment, it finally came to me.
What really went wrong was that we did not jump the hurdle of learning
as an act of liberating love; rather it was simply an obligation for degree
requirements. After an entire year’s worth of self-reflection and numerous
discussions with my peers, both punkademics and non-punk academics,
I realize that my anger was misdirected. It was misguided to expect stu-
dents to unreservedly accept the Freirian perspective where “education
[is] the practice of freedom.” Without directly engaging students in the
discussion of democratic and liberatory education, I preempted course
objectives before the cycle of teaching-learning even began.

Not recognizing that university students have lived through more
than thirteen years of schooling fashioned on the “banking model,” it
was my mistake to throw them into a class completely contrary to what
they were accustomed. In attempting to teach a course out of Jove, I
blindly disregarded their expectations of my role as a professor. My un-
certainty in creating such an environment was clearly demonstrated in
the course’s organization. It was unwise to structure a course based pri-
marily on student input, without having the students participate in this
from the onset. Why would they understand the course objectives if they

140 PUNKADEMICS

were asked to jump in at the back end of the process?

It is at this point when I concretely relate this teaching anecdote to
the construction of punk pedagogy. The foundations of the course were
imagined to emulate a show, where “band members were no different than
audience members.”” For those of us reared in hardcore, we are famil-
iar with the expectations that bands and audience were involved in every
facet of the show, from organizing the event to getting up on the stage to
singing along. The punk style, similar to critical pedagogy, tears down the
standard barriers present in the performer—viewer relationship, as well as
educator—learner. By embracing this loving act to dismantle hierarchical
forms of domination, the educator—learner understands the importance in
practicing counter-hegemony as a necessary act for liberation.

My pedagogical approach to the course aimed for the same goal. I
began the course by presenting my relationship with the theme and my
interest in examining the material through an “academic” perspective.
Furthermore, I stated that my background was not in cultural studies
and therefore this was new course material for me. I hoped my sincer-
ity would illustrate that I would be learning alongside the students, and
that, in fact, there was not an “expert” in the room. In this way, we were
both band and audience in the punk classroom, both working through
the process of teacher and learner. The stage (in this occasion, a university
classroom) was an open forum that everyone occupied, jumping on and
off whenever the mood struck us. Through the frame of punk peda-
gogy, where the teacher—learner roles are dismantled, we shared the stage
screaming lyrics of injustice was not manifest with non-punk students.
Unfortunately, the show did not work as intended.

CONCLUSION
Even if my course did not function as smoothly as I would have liked,
this does not suggest punk pedagogy can or does not exist in the uni-
versity. I understand the point of this chapter was to layout what punk
pedagogy is, but this task is incredibly daunting and an almost presump-
tuous undertaking for an individual. How can I define something that I
find so completely personal and reflective of one’s life experiences? How
can I define something that seemed to fail me when I try to imply it? In
the end, my experiences as both a punk and educator have intersected at
various times, diverged at others, and mapped onto one another count-
less times during my time as both student and professor.
So what did I learn through this experience? I learned that punk peda-
gogy and critical pedagogy are incredibly similar. While critical pedagogy

PUNK PEDAGOGY 141

was created with the old bearded men in the academy and punk pedagogy
began with marginalized youth on the streets, both emerged in response
to poverty, capitalist injustices, and global inequality. My experiences as
a punk in the academy have opened a space where I may bridge both
my understanding of critical pedagogy and punk practices. This particu-
lar theoretically infused anecdote suggests that reclaiming such a space
needs concerted effort and strategic planning merged with a DIY ethic.

To be a punkademic is both frightening and alluring, particularly because
once we are identified as such, our politics become definable. While I find
it a mark of pride to identify as a punkademic, | am nonetheless terrified to
not live up to such a designation. How can I truly be a punk educator when
I work within the university? Aren't these contradictory, as other punks let
me know years ago? Can I, as a punk and professor, truly be likened to those
other revolutionary practitioners when working in dominant institutions?
Regardless of my own doubt in successfully maintaining a punk pedagogy,
it nonetheless serves as my ultimate goal within the classroom; therefore, it
becomes an eternal struggle to attain such an environment.

I continue grappling with creating a balance between these two roles,
teacher and learner, in the class. In those learning spaces when I begin
with a brief lecture, students industriously write notes without making
eye contact. It is during these moments when I feel utterly alone in the
classroom, a sensation that is antithetical to my reason for pursuing high-
er education in the first place. The front of the class is an isolating place,
especially when speaking without being heard, as only a women of color
can attest to. Regardless of the number of times we will discuss the lack
of freedom when education is reduced to the regurgitation of “truths” or
“facts,” I sense it is nonetheless still what students want or understand
education to be (even if I would call this schooling). Therefore, it our
responsibility, as punkademics, to scream out in anger and frustration as
the neoliberal and entrepreneurial model overtakes learning spaces. We
must work collaboratively and collectively with others in revolutionary
acts of love. If we find the space to teach in such a way, then we have

found a punk pedagogy.

NOTES
1 Ché Guevara, as cited in Jon Lee, Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life
(New York: Grove, 1997), pp. 633, 637.
2 Although, I am clearly not a teen, I consider myself a hardcore kid. For
all intents and purposes in this text punk and hardcore will be used
interchangeably.

142

21
22

PUNKADEMICS

Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum, 1970), p.
47.

Michael Apple, Ideology and Curriculum (New York: Routledge, 2004),
p. 74.

Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971).
Freire, 1970, p. 72.

See Peter Lichtenstein, “Radical Liberalism and Radical Education: A
Synthesis and Critical Evaluation of Illich, Freire, and Dewey,” American
Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 44, No. 1 (1985): 39-53.

Peter McLaren, Life in Schools: An Introduction to Critical Pedagogy in the
Foundations of Education (New York: Longman, 1998).

Joan Wink, Critical Pedagogy: Notes from the Real World (New York:
Longman, 1996), p. 3.

Craig O’Hara, The Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise! (Oakland: AK
Press, 1999), pp. 27-28.

O’Hazra, p. 27.

Myles Horton and Paulo Freire, We Make the Road by Walking: Conversa-
tions on Education and Social Change (Philadelphia: Temple University
Press, 1990), pp. 9-10.

Carlos Alberto Torres, Democracy, Education, and Multiculturalism: Di-
lemmas of Citizenship in a Global World (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield,
1998), p. 162.

In Teaching Community, bell hooks states that dominator-culture keeps
society bound in a state of fear and encourages homogeneity (particularly
in thinking) rather than diversity. See bell hooks, Teaching Community:
A Pedagogy of Hope (New York: Routledge, 2003).

Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London & New York:
Routledge, 1979), pp. 2, 66.

The latter was a reluctant contribution, but developed after pressure from
squeamish students uneasy with the idea of allowing their projects to
organically develop.

Seth Kahn-Egan, “Pedagogy of the Pissed: Punk Pedagogy in the First-
Year Writing Classroom,” College Composition and Communication, Vol.
49, No. 1 (1998): 100.

Freire, 1970, pp. 71-86.

O’Hara, pp. 21-22.

Mary Burcholtz, “Why be Normal?”: Language and Identity Practices in
Community of Nerd Girls,” Language in Society, Vol. 28, No. 2 (1999):
203-223.

Burcholtz, p. 213.

O’Hazra, p. 153.

MARIA ELENA BUSZEK

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY
ROCK AND ROLL:

TOWARD A FEMINIST PUNK ETHIC/
AESTHETIC

MY WORK TO date as scholar of contemporary art has largely revolved
around attempts to historicize feminist uses of pop culture toward politi-
cal ends — and the trouble with which these efforts have consistently been
met, in relation to generational, intellectual, and class issues. From Eliza-
beth Cady Stanton to Alice Paul to Gloria Steinem to BUST magazine,
when young feminists have held up their pop-cultural savvy as an expres-
sive or recruiting tool for their era, they have also had to wait at least a
generation for this approach to be considered with any seriousness by
established thinkers both within and outside of the feminist movement.
(At which point, inevitably, the media begins salivating over the impend-
ing catfights they might exploit between this generation of leaders and
the inevitably-painted overly-optimistic, over-sexed, under-appreciative
behavior of the generation coming up behind them.) So, what begins
— with popular imagery, music, fashions, languages, or media employed
toward reaching out to new audiences — as a gesture of inclusion becomes
divisive. The persistence of this phenomenon, I argue, reveals the short-
term, or at the very least selective, memory of feminist history.

But, the problem is a much bigger one in my field. Too frequently
feminism is viewed in my particular discipline of art history as an in-
terpretive tool rather than an activist movement. And art historians, re-
gardless of age, specialization, or political engagement, are generally a
library-dwelling species: so much so that those who write about contem-
porary art are often viewed by our colleagues with suspicion for what

144 PUNKADEMICS

is perceived as the insufficiently “scholarly,” and often social quality of
our field. I work on — and thus research, write about, and deign speak
to...even, perhaps, form friendships with — living artists responding to a
living, constantly evolving culture. Because this culture is engaged in a
dialogue with the popular as well as scholarly sources these artists refer-
ence means that critics of contemporary art must be as willing to track
their artists’ references to the street as to the studio, where these ref-
erences are not as neatly confined and, thus, classified. Art historians’
frequent mistrust of contemporary art in general, and pop culture in
particular also speaks more broadly to the academy’s fear of the personal,
the phenomenological, the physical as somehow existing in opposition
to the objective, the empirical, the intellectual. Time and again, I am
blindsided by the responses of my colleagues for whom the pop-cultural
influences I discuss alongside contemporary feminist art — many times,
work with which they are familiar — are viewed as a shocking discovery
or questionable diversion.

Such responses are disheartening, if only because it is in the realm of
pop culture that one arguably finds the most visible, vibrant, and persua-
sive reflections of emerging feminist art today. Contemporary independent
music in particular is loaded with examples of out-and-proud feminist art-
ists, most of whom actually have direct ties to the international art world,
such as Le Tigre, Tracy + The Plastics, and Peaches. All of these artists cre-
ate cutting-edge music inspired by punk, metal, and hip-hop, and do so
with overtly feminist lyrics and consciousness — but fly almost completely
under the radar of feminist art criticism, regardless of the fact that these
same women have been included in exhibitions at such highly visible ven-
ues as Deitch Projects, the Whitney Biennial, and the Venice Biennale. Yet
arts professionals whose attention to the media rarely strays from estab-
lished, mainstream print magazines, newspapers and academic journals are
under the mistaken impression that young women championing feminist
issues and demonstrating a deep familiarity with feminist history do not
exist, because they are rarely reported upon, much less given opportunities
to speak for themselves — or when given the chance (from the 1998 Time
magazine cover on “Ally McBeal feminism” to Susan Faludi’s November
2010 Harper’ cover story on young women’s “ritual matricide” of feminist
mentors), young women are overwhelmingly and sensationistically por-
trayed as rejecting feminism.’

This oversight leads us to the critical perception of not just young
women, but youth itself by the academic institutions from which much
feminist art scholarship is generated. Ever since the very notion of a
“popular culture” emerged with Industrial Revolution technologies and

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL 145

economies, the perception has been that pop culture, and especially
popular music, is a young person’s game. And, of course, youth culture
has consistently been perceived, like youth itself, as both temporary and
oversexed: so completely and unabashedly pandering to its audience's
intemperate pursuit of pleasure that even the most detached and objec-
tive scholar risks becoming personally implicated in the orgy. Unless it
is firmly embedded in a study of the past (and, better still, used solely
to illuminate one’s understanding of an “important” historical painting,
sculpture, or print by a blue-chip artist), popular culture is kept at arm’s
length for fear of what it reflects upon the scholar who dares analyze it.

Which brings us to the class issues surrounding the discipline of art
history, from which most scholars come. For decades now, art scholars,
curators, and critics alike have generally been expected to pursue or pos-
sess a PhD, of late a degree only valuable when derived from one of about
a dozen, mostly private institutions valorized by art history programs
around the globe (themselves, increasingly populated solely by faculty
from these same dozen institutions). And — consciously or unconsciously
— art criticism and scholarship seems to increasingly share the academy’s
obsession with the (blue) bloodlines of these exclusive institutions. In-
deed, universities and museums alike still often rely upon the assumption
that its art historians will have the means to supplement low salaries or
unpaid internships with independent wealth. Even when engaged with
issues of class (through Marxist, postcolonial and, yes, feminist meth-
odologies), art history has yet to meaningfully confront the elitism at
the very foundation of the discipline’s history, methods, and professional
practices.? And so, the idea of studying popular culture — which, for
many populations throughout the world represents “culture,” period —
remains, like the working class and underprivileged populations to whom
it is directed, largely outside of the purview of art-historical inquiry.

Personally? I think that art history — and especially feminist art his-
tory — needs its own Lester Bangs.

I spent the first several months of my job at the used record store
where I worked during my high school and undergraduate studies, en-
gaged in the thankless task of sorting and pricing a solid, floor-to-ceiling-
full room of music magazines that had piled up over the course of nearly
two decades. It was here, a lone girl in the dusty stacks of Dirt Cheap
Records (frankly, doing more reading than working), that I discovered
Bangs’ writing. From his earliest reviews in Rolling Stone and Creem in
the late 1960s until his death from an accidental overdose in 1982, Bangs
wrote some of the twentieth century’s most informed and innovative
criticism of popular music. Bangs gleefully skipped from rock history

146 PUNKADEMICS

(such as his persuasive efforts to recuperate novelty acts like The Count
Five and the Mysterians) to defenses of both the avant-garde (Kraftwerk
and The Clash) and guilty pleasures (in particular, the Swedish pop of
ABBA), to political commentary (his “White Noise Supremacists” ar-
guably remains the punk era’s most responsible insider analysis of the
scene’s sexism and racism), in a style that never buried the pleasure at
the root of his partisan positions — positions that constantly shifted as
the years went on. He unapologetically acknowledged and analyzed his
revisions in a manner that readers granted him because of the deeply
personal place from which all his criticism came.’

Reading Bangs’ work for the first time, still in my teens, I was sur-
prised to find parallels between his simultaneously joyful, critical, and in-
sistently embodied approach to pop culture and my own. Having grown
up in Midwestern communities where the closest thing to a “library”
in my neighborhood was my musician father’s enormous record collec-
tion, I began collecting records myself at around age 9 and learned to
bond with my father by instigating what eventually became deep and
frequently contentious debates about music history. The stacks in which
I dug, shopped, and eventually worked were my first education in the
“archive,” where I learned and loved the same sort of information safaris
that I later applied to my earliest research in art history. Coming up in
this informal but informed, as well as overwhelmingly male-dominated
culture of record collecting also nurtured my feminism, as I grew up well
aware of the phenomenon whereby I needed to be twice as demonstrably
knowledgeable as my male counterparts to be considered half as smart.
My burgeoning feminist voice found inspiration in Bangs’ unique, self-
aware style; as his critical practice developed, he grew quicker to point
out the frequency with which the “ironic embrace of the totems of big-
otry crosses over into the real poison” in the same pop culture that simul-
taneously fueled and frustrated us both. Bangs offered that the growing
sense of responsibility that emerged in his later music criticism came
about “not because you want to think rock and roll can save the world
but because since rock and roll is bound to stay in your life you would
hope to see it reach some point where it might not add to the cruelty and
exploitation already in the world.”4

But, this was where Lester and I differed: I believed, and still believe,
that rock and roll can change the world. It certainly changed mine.

My own path to becoming a feminist, art historian, and educator
was forged not by my formal education, but from my immersion in the
popular culture with which I grew up — in the first wave of hip-hop, the
second wave of punk, and the third wave of feminism that emerged in

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL 147

the tumultuous 1980s — amid the postmodern theory, AIDS crisis, “Sex
Wars” and, most importantly, voices of queer activists and feminists of
color that would name these “new waves” of popular and protest culture.
While my mother’s generation may have looked to heroic feminist liter-
ary predecessors like Simone de Beauvoir and Betty Friedan, and activist
contemporaries from Gloria Steinem to Angela Davis for inspiration, my
generation enjoyed the luxury of looking to models a little more earth-
bound and a lot more diverse, fashioning themselves after the models
that best resembled young women’s cursory, and highly individualized
ideas about the women’s movement: Poly Styrene, Lydia Lunch, Pat
Benatar, Grace Jones, Siouxsie Sioux, Joan Jett.> I was able to take its
teachings for granted not just in the literature and legislation for which
the movement fought, but in unsanctioned and even critical reflections
of feminism in youth culture.

As cultural historians Joanne Hollows and Rachel Moseley have ar-
gued, unlike previous generations, for whom there had always been an
“outside world” that those inside the feminist movement were invested
in challenging and infiltrating, those growing up in its third wave “never
had a clear sense of, or investment in, the idea of an ‘inside’ or ‘outside’
of feminism:” feminism could be, and often was, just about everywhere.°
This constellation of pop-culture icons would later merge with the cul-
ture of our feminist predecessors in what would become the most visible
organized movement of the third wave, Riot Grrrl. This international
movement first coalesced on the high school and college campuses of
the United States in the late 1980s at a point when feminist thought
— both overtly and covertly — was becoming a regular part of most stu-
dents’ curricula. Riot Grrrl was the brainchild of young women who, like
me, strove to pair up and analyze their twin interests in pop culture and
feminist thought in ways that the culture surrounding each often didn’t
realize was possible.’

Riot Grrrl activists joined veteran feminists in organizing reproduc-
tive-rights marches, volunteering at Planned Parenthood and rape-crisis
centers, and creating alternative art and performance spaces, but they
also argued for the activist potential of founding their own bands, ‘zines,
record labels, festivals, and eventually websites to spread the word of
this generation’s continued resistance to constraining gender expecta-
tions — expectations that many young women often argued had been
as narrowly defined by feminist predecessors as their sexist antagonists.
They also spoke directly to the need for diversity in the movement, in-
corporating an awareness of feminism’s historical heterosexism, classism,
and white privilege into its discourse and action, and insisting that male

148 PUNKADEMICS

and genderqueer feminists had roles in the movement alongside biologi-
cal women.

In the twenty years since the birth of Riot Grrrl, its growth on many
different levels is apparent in the evolving work of movement leaders
like Kathleen Hanna: where her pioneering band Bikini Kill analyzed
feminist issues through songs dedicated to the intimate, personal details
of girls’ lives in hard-driving punk singles and Xeroxed and stapled ‘zines,
today her scope and media have broadened; and her current band Le
Tigre communicates through its website, which includes links to Judy
Chicago's and Laurie Anderson’s homepages, sites offering support for
transgender activism and domestic violence victims, and an entire section
dedicated to how you can make, record, and distribute your own music
using inexpensive or free gear, and songs like the band’s instant-dance-
classic “Hot Topic” name-check figures from Modernist poet Gertrude
Stein to transgender artist Vaginal Davis, to a sampled vintage-R&B
backbeat, accompanied online and in live performances by a similarly-
sampled, digital-collage video by artist Wynne Greenwood.

Greenwood’s own, one-woman-band Tracy + the Plastics is another
excellent example of Riot Grrrl’s ongoing influence and evolution in the
contemporary art world. Greenwood similarly uses popular music as a
vehicle for self-expression and community-building, and treats the grow-
ing accessibility of digital media as an important evolution in feminism
—as much for how these media are shifting young peoples’ perceptions
of reality as their ability to communicate. Greenwood argues that new
media like digital recording and technological developments like Web
2.0 encourage “deliberate edits to reconstruct an empowered representa-
tion of reality. One that not only allows for but demands inquiry, chal-
lenge, talk-back, yelling, waiting, and joyful understanding between the
‘viewing’ individual and at least one other person, possibly a lot more,
and maybe even the media makers.”*® The “members” of Tracy + the Plas-
tics — slightly bossy front woman Tracy, contentious keyboardist Nikki,
and spaced-out percussionist Cola, who “play all the instruments and
sing” on the band’s albums — appear in live performances as Greenwood
performing as Tracy onstage, who interacts with Nikki and Cola as pre-
recorded video projections.

Greenwood has written of the band’s underlying goal: “A Tracy and
the Plastics performance attempts to destroy the hierarchical dynam-
ics of mass media's say/see spaces by placing as much importance on
the video images (the plastics) as the live performer (tracy).”? And, be-
tween the awkward, silence-laden on-stage “banter” of Greenwood in
her various permutations and the pointedly open stage set-up, wherein

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL 149

the performance occupies a space that bleeds out into the seating, this
“hierarchy-destroying” approach extends to artist-audience dynamics as
the viewers are similarly encouraged to blur the line between who is there
to “say” and who is there to “see.” As Greenwood explained at a recent
performance at The Kitchen in New York, Tracy + the Plastics explore
feminism through an exploration of inhabited space, asking: “What does
it mean for me, a feminist lesbian artist, to take up room?”!? At this
three-night engagement, “the band” performed in an elaborate living-
room setting (right down to the beige pile carpeting ubiquitous in homes
built or remodeled in the 1980s or ‘90s) that pointedly blurred the dis-
tinctions between the audience, performer/s, and projected imagery.

More recently, Greenwood has collaborated with the LTTR collec-
tive, through which she has furthered her experiments with the line
between artist and audience, self and community. Originally founded
as “Lesbians To The Rescue” in 2001 — a collaborative print and web
‘zine of writing, artwork, and new media — the group has since annu-
ally changed its acronym (to such evocative names as “Lacan Teaches to
Repeat, “Let’s Take the Role,” “Listen Translate Translate Record”) and
evolved into a sprawling collective of individual contributors and cura-
tors putting together installations, exhibitions, screenings, protests, mu-
sic, and workshops, (most recently, alongside the traveling blockbuster
exhibition WACK! Art and the Feminist Revolution, and in the work of
several individual members included in the current Whitney Biennial)."!
Greenwood has articulated the appeal of the collective (saying): “LTTR
can be seen as a body, a person, an ‘individual’ and expresses the idea that
our community can stand next to us, the individual, the one person,”
which I hope to relate to the sensibility that LTTR co-founder, artist and
curator Emily Roysdon recently coined “ecstatic resistance.”!* Art histo-
rian Julia Bryan-Wilson — the lone scholarly voice who has approached
the group’s work — has approvingly defined LTTR’s political practice as
“critical promiscuity” generating unexpected connections across genres
and media as well as the generational, ethnic, gender, and sexual identi-
ties of the artists who contribute them.’

While Greenwood and LTTR explore the feminist possibilities of criti-
cal promiscuity, Peaches...well, I suppose she’s just plain exploring the fem-
inist possibilities of promiscuity. While Peaches is a legend in the electronic
music scene, members of the contemporary art community may recog-
nize Peaches from Sophie Calle’s sprawling installation at the 2007 Venice
Biennale’s French Pavilion, Take Care of Yourself: In this powerful, hilari-
ous piece Calle turns a statement of rejection — a break-up e-mail from a
long-term boyfriend — into a statement of affirmation, using 107 other

150 PUNKADEMICS

women’s voices and experience to re-read, reinterpret, and recover from
the message. It seemed significant to me that Peaches was chosen by Calle
as the last reader/interpreter of the letter considering the ecstatic, if silly
sexuality of Peaches’ music. Peaches is the final woman in Calle’s Take Care
of Yourself with a song she composed and sings using fragments of the let-
ter’s text. Unlike the largely vindictive or dismissive readings of the rest of
the participants — proof-readers, editors, artists, actresses, psychoanalysts,
schoolgirls, a judge, a clown, a clairvoyant — Peaches’ confident, abstract,
musical take ends on an elliptical, but optimistic, even edifying note, with
an (utterly transformed) phrase from the email: “I will always love...”

Born Merrill Nisker in North York, Canada, after a decade in the To-
ronto lesbian-folk scene and teaching preschool-aged children music and
theater, Peaches invented her outrageous on-stage persona — named after
one of the “Four Women” in Nina Simone’s haunting song of the same
name — and began collaborating with (the now, chart-making) singer-
songwriter Feist, composing music and experimenting with hip-hop
beats toward what would eventually become her groundbreaking album
The Teaches of Peaches in 2000 —a showcase for Peaches’ wild musical and
performative mash-up: comedic, over-the-top-sexual braggadocio in the
tradition of R&B diva Millie Jackson; tinny. old-school hip-hop beats
and rhymes; and fuzzy, glam-rock riffs and get-ups, all (in her words)
“made, mixed, and mutilated” by this androgynous former folkie one
reporter described as “aggressively unpretty.”!’

What could have been a novelty act, however, evolved over Peaches’
next several albums, where the gender-bending, queer sensibility that
pervaded her first evolved into a more clearly feminist one — what began
as foul-mouthed effort to freak out the squares seemed to take on more
explicit political connotations in subsequent albums, videos, and perfor-
mances, and in venues such as the Toronto Biennial and ArtBasel Miami
as well as rock clubs. Acting out the most spectacular, shock-rock clichés
— metallic outfits with matching platforms, straddling guitar necks with
attendant crotch thrusts, “on the left/on the right” sing-a-longs — Peaches
simultaneously embraces the stupid fun of a rock show and dismantles
the notion that only straight men could pull it off admirably. Indeed, her
metal-inspired song and video for “Boys Wanna Be Her,” sampling AC/
DC’s anthemic “Dirty Deeds,” addresses the subject head-on. Peaches has
spoken of what inspired the piece in an interview (saying): “I was thinking
how men seem to find it really difficult to look at a powerful woman and
say, ‘Wow! I wish I was you.’ The inspiration might have been [...] any of
those songs where it’s like “The boy comes to town! Lock up your daugh-
ters!’ I mean, why is it a guy who gets to play the Antichrist?”!%

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL 151

So, my question is: where in art scholarship has there been room for
the feminist potential of the Antichrist? Or, at least the shock-rocker?
Calle’s brilliant, surprising use of Peaches as the transcendent end to
the journey of Take Care of Yourself seems to happily suggest a place at
the table. But, queer activist, filmmaker and critic Bruce LaBruce is the
only arts writer to date to tackle the subject, writing: “In pop cultural
terms, the intelligent, quirky, female icons of the “70s (Karen Black, Sissy
Spacek, and, well, for better or for worse, Helen Reddy), with normal
bodies and obvious flaws, have been replaced by the likes of Britney
Spears, Jessica Simpson and Pamela Anderson, the shaved and plucked,
air-brushed, plastic blow-up doll triumvirate that we know and hate to-
day. Peaches takes up where the kind of militant, subversive, and sexy
feminism of the “70s left off.”!”

But, really? Helen Reddy? Well, for better or for worse...Reddy’s
feminist-lite anthem “I am Woman” surely helped more women in
the 1970s consider the acceptability of feminism in the wake of the
popular backlash against the second wave than purchased the works
of Shulamith Firestone, Kate Millet, and Robin Morgan combined in
that same decade. But, in a decade that a/so introduced the world to the
truly “militant, subversive, and sexy feminism” of Lydia Lunch, Cosey
Fanni Tutti, Martha Wilson and DISBAND, and Linder Sterling — just
to name a few women directly tapped into both the music and art
worlds of that very decade — LaBruce’s slight demonstrates the limited
scope of even the best-intentioned art criticism, brought about in large
part because of the narrow histories and subtle prejudices by which
scholars so frequently confine themselves, and which my next book will
attempt to redress.

How many members of the feminist community know about the rock
criticism of artist Lorraine O’Grady, director Mary Harron, or journalist
and Redstockings co-founder Ellen Willis? Willis wrote deliciously of her
own juxtaposition of rock and feminist rebellion in the 1960s and ‘70s,
in a way that perpetually inspires me: “Music that boldly and aggres-
sively laid out what the singer wanted, loved, hated — as good rock’n’roll
did — challenged me to do the same, and so even when the content was
anti-woman, antisexual, in a sense antihuman, the form encouraged my
struggle for liberation.”'* It is striking to me that the album that led Wil-
lis to this revelation in her essay “Beginning to See the Light” was the
Sex Pistols’ album God Save the Queen, which she had fought hard not to
like — for the same racism, sexism, and fascist imagery that riled Bangs —
even as she ultimately submitted to what she called the “extremity of its
disgust” as both a catalyst to and a strategy for action.”

152 PUNKADEMICS

That feminism expresses itself these days perhaps most tangibly on
the dance floor seems relevant to me as a feminist art historian, as it
is a profound reflection of what it means for feminist thought to have
evolved into a generation of emerging artists without “the idea of an
‘inside’ or ‘outside’ of feminism.” And such popular expressions of femi-
nism also reiterate the pressing need for feminist scholars to address the
power of pleasure, joy, and embodiment as activist strategies. A politics
of pleasure has emerged in the work of feminist artists choosing to en-
gage with popular culture — one that, more than ever, deserves a femi-
nist art criticism to recognize, broadcast, and analyze its goals. And this
work, these women deserve feminist scholars willing to both historicize
these strategies and use them as a model for their own. Not just because
contemporary feminist interventions in popular music and performance
are an education in the ever-evolving nature of the women’s movement,
but because they also resemble those, largely unsung, by predecessors
like Willis in the second wave of the women’s movement. I certainly have
Helen Reddy in my record collection — but wonder how many others
who do alo own CDs by Le Tigre or Peaches...not to mention what
thrilling new forms feminist discourse might take if this was the case.

NOTES

1 Laddress the problem and history of such media portrayals extensively in
Maria Elena Buszak, Pin-Up Grrrls: Feminism, Sexuality, Popular Culture
(Durham: Duke University Press, 2006), pp. 325-364.

2 While the subject of classism in the discipline of art history is one far
too complex, contentious, and undocumented to possibly be given its
due here, I would guide readers to the succinct, excellent analysis of the
problem of elitism in the professional practices of art and academic insti-
tutions in David Graeber, “Army of Altruists: On the alienated right to
do good,” Harper’ Magazine, January, 2007, pp. 31-38.

3 Much of Bangs’ writing remains in print, available in anthologies such
as (Ed.) Greil Marcus, Psychotic Reactions and Carburetor Dung (Lon-
don: Serpent’s Tail, 2001); and (Ed.) John Morthland, Main Lines, Blood
Feasts, and Bad Taste: A Lester Bangs Reader (New York: Anchor Books,
2003). Many thanks to Raphael Rubinstein, whose visit to the Kansas
City Art Institute campus in 2005 instigated a conversation on the sub-
ject of Bangs that I relish the opportunity to follow through upon here.

4 Lester Bangs, “The White Noise Supremacists,” Village Voice, December
17, 1979, reprinted in Psychotic Reactions, pp. 275 and 282.

5 For a more detailed account of my misspent youth, see Maria Elena

HER LIFE WAS SAVED BY ROCK AND ROLL 153

Buszek, “’Oh! Dogma (Up Yours!):’ Surfing the Third Wave,” thirdspace:
A Journal of Feminist Theory and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 1 July 2001). On-
line at_hettp://www.thirdspace.ca/articles/buszek.htm

Joanne Hollows and Rachel Moseley, “The Meanings of Popular Femi-
nism,” in (Eds.) Joanne Hollows and Rachel Moseley, Feminism in Popu-
lar Culture (London: Berg, 2006), 2.

I discuss the history of feminism’s third wave from an art historical per-
spective in chapters 7 and 8 of my book Pin-Up Grrrls, which is itself
indebted to Astrid Henry's excellent, book-length study of the subject
from a literary and activist position, Not My Mother’ Sister: Generational
Conflict and Third-Wave Feminism (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Uni-
versity of Indiana Press, 2004).

Tracy + The Plastics, “TRACY by Wynne,” from the liner notes to Cul-
ture for Pigeon (Troubleman Unlimited, 2004), CD.

Tracy + the Plastics, liner notes to Forever Sucks EP (Chainsaw Records,
2002), CD.

Gallery materials quoted in Leigh Anne Miller, “Tracy + The Plastics
with Fawn Krieger at The Kitchen (New York), Art in America, Vol. 93,
No. 6 (2005): 180.

See http://www. lttr.org.

Greenwood quoted in Amy Mackie, “Hot Topic Curatorial Statement”
(Annandale-on-Hudson, NY: Bard College, 2006). Online at http://
www.bard.edu/ccs/exhibitions/student/2006/theses/hottopic/. Also see
Emily Roysdon, “Ecstatic Resistance,” (2009). Online at http://www.
emilyroysdon.com/index.php?/hidden-text/er-text/

Julia Bryan-Wilson, “Repetition and Difference,” Artforum, Vol. 44, no.
10 (2006): 109.

See the documentation and films from this piece in the book/DVDs
from Sophie Calle, Take Care of Yourself (Arles, FR: Actes Sud, 2007).
Credit line derived from The Teaches of Peaches (Kitty, Yo Records, 2000);
Caroline Sullivan, “Filthy and Fury: For Peaches, the famously X-rated
rapper, the personal just got political,” Zhe Guardian, July 24, 2006, p.
23.

James McNair, “A Decidedly Fruity Lady: Peaches dresses like a porn
superhero and has a lot to say about gender politics,” The Independent
(London), July 21, 2006, p. 15.

Bruce LaBruce, “Peaches: Word to the Fatherfucker,” C:Jnternational
Contemporary Art, March 22, 2004, pp. 16-18.

Ellen Willis, Beginning to See the Light: Sex, Hope, and Rock and Roll
(New York: Knopf, 1981), p. 99.

Willis, Beginning to See The Light, p. 99.

PUNK THEORY MIX TAPE,
SIDE

DANIEL S. TRABER'

L.A.S ‘WHITE MINORITY’:

PUNK AND THE CONTRADICTIONS
OF SELF-MARGINALIZATION

GONNA BE A WHITE MINORITY

ALL THE REST'LL BE THE MAJORITY
WE'RE GONNA FEEL INFERIORITY
I'M GONNA BE A WHITE MINORITY

WHITE PRIDE

YOU'RE AN AMERICAN
I'M GONNA HIDE
ANYWHERE | CAN

- BLACK FLAG, “WHITE MINORITY”

PART OF POPULAR music’s allure is that it offers fans tools for identity
construction. Lawrence Grossberg argues that musical choices open sites
for people to negotiate their historical, social, and emotional relations to
the world; the way fans define and understand themselves — what they
believe and value — is intertwined with the varying codes and desires
claimed by a taste culture associated with a specific genre.* An example of
claiming social and cultural difference through music occurs in Dissonant
Identities, Barry Shank’s study of the Austin music scene. In explaining
her impetus for joining the punk subculture, a fan states, “[I]t really had
something to do with just wanting to do something different. With in
a way being an outcast but then being accepted...And you were sort of

158 PUNKADEMICS

bound together because the other people hated you. I think that [sic]
might be part of the attraction, too, is being in a minority. Being in a
self-imposed minority.”? This tactic of self-marginalization to articulate a
politics of dissent is central to the Los Angeles punk scene from (roughly)
1977 to 1983.4 To resist metanarratives they found static and repressive,
in order to form an independent sense of self, a small fringe group of
youth pursued a life based on that inner-city underclass denied access to
the American dream, an identity I will call the “sub-urban.”

The racial and class facets of the sub-urban identity are deployed by
L.A. punks to re-create themselves in the image of street-smart kids who
are skeptical about the trappings of bourgeois America. In doing this
they hoped to tap into a more “authentic” lifestyle — equivalent to “real,”
“hard,” “tough,” all those qualities associated with a life on city streets
— than the one they thought themselves being forced to replicate. How-
ever, it is the contradictions in punk’s practice of tapping into the aura
of the Other that will be the crux of this essay. Underpinning punk’s
appropriation of otherness is the theory that social categories are fluid
constructs that can be accepted, rejected, or hybridized at will, and this
belief disrupts the notion that identity is fixed, that there is anything
natural or concrete about one’s subjectivity. But in using markers classi-
fied as subordinate, this voluntarist self-exile is laden with the baggage of
preconceived social categories. Punks unconsciously reinforce the domi-
nant culture rather than escape it because their turn to the sub-urban re-
affirms the negative stereotypes used in the center to define this space and
its population. I consider punk rockers who move into the sub-urban
site, but I am also interested in the general celebration of this identity by
those who remain at home. While noting the specific positive effects of
this border crossing, I analyze punk’s lofty subversive goals as a paradoxi-
cal mixture of transgression and complicity for reasons the participants
themselves overlook.

I will elaborate on the theory of the underclass later; for now, I want
to address labeling this space as “sub-urban.” The term is more than a
pun on the word suburbia, for sub-urban denotes an existence unlike the
typical depiction of city life’s everyday difficulties. It is important at the
onset to emphasize that the sub-urban is multiracial (poverty is not just a
“nonwhite” problem), but it does constitute a very specific class position,
one that must confront the utmost levels of poverty, hunger, inadequate
housing, and the constant threat of physical danger and death. Sub-ur-
banites are forced to negotiate their environment simply by surviving it
as best they can, and it is this “extreme” way of life that punks of the pe-
tiod chose for their hard-edged bohemianism. I do not wish to trivialize

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 159

the circumstances many of these kids faced, such as dysfunctional homes,
being kicked out by their parents, or the economic downward mobility
middle class families suffered during this period; still, we will see that a
good number of the earliest punks present themselves in a way that is
rooted in the often romanticized existence of the down-and-out. The
choice starts to lose its thrust as a commentary on the parent culture's
own litany of naturalized beliefs upon closer examination: that success
is the result more of hard work than the privilege accorded to race and
class (is it not such privileges that give them the option mot to succeed?);
that material wealth is synonymous with freedom (how can it be thought
otherwise when these subjects have the freedom to come and go?); that
their way of life constitutes the highest level of progress (then why else
reject it by going “downward”?). Punk’s adoption of marginality as a way
to experience “real life” proves to be a belief in something transparent,
thus they manipulate their identities in the name of choosing one they
situate as less contaminated by middle class illusion and conformity. This
dissent and social critique are further contradicted and weakened since
L.A. punk remains complicit with America’s dominant social values by
privileging the individual.

Although problematizing L.A. punk’s strategy of rebellion, I want
to emphasize that their self-marginalization is not lacking in subversive
promise. The punk movement did not achieve an outright transforma-
tion of society's dominant truths, but it did at least change the minds
of many people. It established a permanent alternative to the corporate
apparatus of the music industry by returning to a system of independent
labels (originally used to distribute the postwar “race music” that influ-
enced the white rockers of the 1950s). It also enabled a form of political
community as witnessed by the numerous punk scenes throughout the
world that share their music and ideas. Nonetheless, the foundations of
L.A. punk’s politics are shaky, and its liberatory spirit needs to be recon-
sidered. This subculture claims to desire dissonance and destabilization,
but it depends on boundaries and regulatory fictions staying in place to
define itself as oppositional. This does not mean the subversive energy
completely dissipates, but it cannot be theorized as a trouble-free dis-
mantling of identity categories because it relies uncritically on the domi-
nant for its difference and forces the subordinated into the role of being
an alternative. Punks are actually uninterested in abolishing those restric-
tive lines of cultural and social demarcation, and any act of denaturaliza-
tion in this gesture starts to appear accidental. Instead of tearing down
the boundaries, they use them to sustain a false sense of autonomy — like
those in the center, without the Other they cease to exist.

160 PUNKADEMICS

In making this argument I do not strive to give an account of the way
“it really was” in the L.A. punk scene. Instead, I aim to make sense of
the way we are told it was by interrogating the narratives, discourses, and
practices used to position Los Angeles in the punk movement by consid-
ering how participants and their supporters voice the merits of becom-
ing like the sub-urban Other. To do this I turn to published interviews,
historical reportage about the scene, and the music itself as a means for
articulating shared ideas. What I have for evidence, then, is information
culled from the punks’ own cultural production (music and fanzines),
documentary films, academic texts, and general historical accounts that
all attempt to theorize what punk “is” from its stated intentions and
performed acts. In short, along with the music I have a collection of
statements received secondhand that I want to piece together, analyze,
and critique.

L.A. punks intend to transgress the fixed order of class and racial
hierarchies by crossing the boundaries of their inherited subjectivities
as privileged white youth. The animosity they direct toward straights is
commonly traced to their socialization experience: “Many punks had
come from social situations where they had been the outsiders. Having
escaped suburbia, having been outcasts, they now had their own group
from which they could sneer and deliver visual jolts to the unimagina-
tive, dumb, suburban world.”* For many kids, the subculture’s sense of
anger and unrest came out of southern California communities where
post-sixties children were searching for something to pierce the boredom
of their lives and express their sense of social and political marginality.
The ability to choose your own narrative, to live according to a worldview
that you have authorized for yourself, is an act of self-empowerment, and
the ideology of punk advocates just such a reinscription through an iden-
tity different from the majority. In Subculture, Dick Hebdige describes
how these subjects desire to annihilate their past: “the punks dislocated
themselves from the parent culture and were positioned instead on the
outside...[where they] played up their Otherness.”° L.A. punks react
against the image-conscious mentality of Los Angeles by presenting a
contrary image: celebrating ugliness in contrast to beauty, depression in-
stead of joy, the sordid over the morally approved; in short, opting for the
city’s gritty underbelly over its glamorous face. It is by using a version of
L.A.’s own tricks (e.g. making themselves into something to be looked at,
the logic of self-(re)construction, a belief that history can be erased and
rewritten) that they attempt to open a space for social critique.

Their strategy of segregating themselves from the status quo in an
antithetical style extended itself beyond fashion and music for the core

L.A.S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 161

L.A. fans. In early 1978, a run-down apartment complex named the
Canterbury Arms became the living quarters for several punks. Craig Lee
(guitarist for the Bags) lists a catalog of their new neighbors that relies
on racial and class markers to indicate its stark difference from home: the
hotel was “occupied by black pimps and drug dealers, displaced South-
east Asians living ten to a room, Chicano families, bikers from a halfway
house, in addition to various bag ladies and shopping cart men.”” In
discussing the Canterbury with Jeff Spurrier, Trudie repeats Lee’s roster
of marginal figures: “When we first moved there, the whole building was
full of criminals, SSI people, hookers, bikers, and pimps.”® This site con-
stitutes a form of existence delegitimated in dominant American political
discourses and the popular media. ..Particular signifiers of race and class
are used, often mapped onto each other, in establishing this rebel cred-
ibility to invent an inner-city subjectivity denoting genuine otherness.
Land and location are central to L.A. politics as they maintain the
spatial hierarchy that allows some people access to the “good life” while
keeping others out. For middle class punks to banish themselves from
“paradise” is a transgression of the American dream. Even as their parents
fought battles over taxes, property values, and neighborhood boundaries
to prevent the influx of inner-city populations, this subgroup of youth
(who were the public justification for the parents’ politics) rejected the
planned utopias to live among the very people the folks back home
claimed to be protecting them from.? It is a choice about a certain way
of life: immersing oneself in urban decay and the asceticism of harsh
poverty. This border crossing becomes, quite literally, an act of deter-
ritorialization (to use Deleuze and Guattari’s term for escaping repressive
social structures) in that changing one’s physical environment facilitates a
change in the ideological framework of one’s personal psychic space. The
lifestyle works as an inverse form of social mobility; in their own social
formation punks earn status by becoming tougher and going “lower.”
One L.A. punk divulges the code: “Everyone got called a poseur, but
you could tell the difference: Did you live in a rat-hole and dye your hair
pink and wreck every towel you owned and live hand-to-mouth on Olde
English 800 and potato chips? Or did you live at home and do everything
your mom told you and then sneak out?”!° Here austere living is config-
ured as virtuous because it is a sign of honesty and devotion to the sub-
culture’s values. A similar example of this occurs in Penelope Spheeris’s
1980 documentary The Decline of Western Civilization (hereafter Decline)
when Chuck Dukowski, a college student, narrates becoming a punk
as his “search” for an answer to the meaning of life: “I did this because
I felt like to set myself aside and make myself different, maybe, maybe,

162 PUNKADEMICS

[the answer] will just come to me.”!! All the more suggestive is that he
delivers this conversion narrative from a room brimming with signifiers
of extreme poverty. As the camera pans to follow Ron Reyes (the Puerto
Rican singer for Black Flag, adding a nonwhite subject to the picture)
giving a tour of his apartment, we see the rest of the band and a few
hangers-on (all of them white) lounging on decrepit furniture, drinking
cheap beer, surrounded by walls covered with spraypainted band names
and profane slogans. It turns out that Reyes pays $16 a month to sleep
in a converted closet since he owes money to all the utility companies.
This scene establishes a connection with the “just getting by” life(style) of
the sub-urban subject. Reyes’s attitude about his living conditions teeters
between realizing there is something troublesome here — he shows how
some people actually live in America — and exhibiting a resigned, digni-
fied posture — this is how “we” live as compared to “you.”

Another voice on using self-marginalization to achieve a sense of hard
“realness” comes from the eighties. From 1981 to 1986, Henry Rollins
was the singer for Black Flag. In Get in the Van Rollins explains why he
was attracted to the lifestyle of the band upon first meeting them:

They had no fixed income and they lived like dogs, but they
were living life with a lot more guts than I was by a long
shot. I had a steady income and an apartment and money
in the bank... The way they were living went against all

the things I had been taught to believe were right. If 1 had
listened to my father, I would have joined the Navy, served
and gone into the straight world without a whimper.”

Rollins later describes his new life after joining the band and moving
to Los Angeles:

I was learning a lot of things fast... Now the next meal was
not always a thing you could count on...Slowly I came to
realize that this was it and there was no place I’d rather be.
As much as it sucked for all of us to be living on the floor
on top of each other, it still was better than the job I had
left in D.C.¥

Rollins defines himself in terms of his origin in middle class stability,
but also as proudly contesting that existence to live a life beyond the wall
the bourgeoisie has built around itself. By adopting a life in contradis-
tinction to his natal social environment, this kind of punk articulates the

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 163

discourse that autonomy can be achieved by disengaging from the ruling
social order. [...] It is rare to find in L.A. punk anything like an outright
lament for the loss of white privilege, while critiques of suburbia’s very
values and desires are ubiquitous. These punks do not resolve their prob-
lems by deciding to work harder; instead, they say “fuck it” to the whole
idea of desiring a suburban middle class lifestyle. [...] References to one’s
necessary freedom from coercion are overwhelming in their number and
variety in punk rock, but they are hardly deployed in the name of up-
holding the “free market” doctrines of competitive individualism. Rath-
er, they are concerned with free will and autonomy in thought, values,
and identity and being unencumbered by external constraints. In Decline
Malissa tells the interviewer that punks are striving “to be accepted any
way we want to.” And Jennipher advises the audience that “everyone
shouldn't be afraid to be as different as they want to be.”!* This autonomy
of conscience and action also gets distilled through a logic of artistic
originality as the right to be unique instead of a conformist adhering to
clichéd form. The earliest scene makers became disenchanted as the punk
scene shifted to the hardcore style. The Weirdos’ John Denny opines,
“(Punk became] more macho, jock, aggressive. The whole individual-
ity thing began to dissipate, and it just became more fascistic.”'* That is
ultimately the passkey for grasping how individualism functions in punk
subculture: one is either independent and unique, or acquiescent and
ordinary. [...] The self becomes the property that they protect and ag-
grandize with the Other manipulated and objectified as a means to that
end, thus, denied his/her own individuality and freedom. The ultimate
implication of this negligence is that punk unwittingly repeats the ideo-
logical patterns of the dominant culture by privileging the importance of
the self and self-interest, thus treating the Other as an object to be used
for their own desires. Despite the call to be free from external influence,
what L.A. punk shows is that without critically questioning our notions
of the individual we take those discourses of the center with us every-
where we go. And this finally weakens punk’s transgressive potential, for
the individualism at punk’s core forecloses the possibility of collective
action that could more effectively challenge the problems they are pro-
testing...And as the U.K. variant of punk traveled back to America, Los
Angeles is one of the places where The Clash’s call to have a “white riot”
is taken up enthusiastically, and it is by fitting themselves into public
discourses surrounding nonwhites that they hope to realize their version
of white insurgency.

The impulse behind this self-fashioning and its class politics is the
rejection of a specifically conceived racial identity; namely, whiteness as

164 PUNKADEMICS

a specific social, economic, and cultural formation. In denying the ben-
efits of their race, these kids are in effect attempting to critique the entire
system upon which the United States was founded and truly functions.
Elaine K. Ginsberg explains the political benefits whites gain by choos-
ing nonwhite marginality in their identity construction: “the decision
to ‘pass’ as [an Other], to self-construct an identity perceived by a white
majority as less desirable, disrupts the assumptions of superiority that
buttress white privilege and self-esteem. [Consequently,] challenging ra-
cial categories threatens those whose sense of self-worth depends on their
racial identity and the social status that accompanies it.”!® Additionally,
Eric Lott’s work on the racial logic of blackface minstrelsy as “love and
theft” — simultaneously a desire for and racist disparagement of black
culture — locates this form of entertainment in the “American tradition
of class abdication through... .[a] cross-racial immersion which persists...
in historically differentiated ways, to our own day.”!” This situates L.A.
punk asa link in that chain, and by turning to the sub-urban this treason
is amplified by going against the dominant white social class buttressing
suburbia. But in setting its sights on this particular form of whiteness —
based on a conflation of racial and class categories — an unintended con-
tradiction develops as punk drifts toward essentializing both whiteness
and nonwhiteness by ultimately situating a version of bourgeois middle
class whiteness as the norm against which all is compared (which also
perpetuates a stereotype of whites), such that it is sustained as the nation’s
dominant ideology. This paradox will be addressed more fully later; for
now, I want to establish how whiteness is defined and deployed by these
subjects.

In Another State of Mind, a 1983 documentary/tour film on L.A. hard-
core, it is notable that during this later phase of the subculture’s history
the kids interviewed all pick out preppies, rather than hippies (the earlier
middle class youth group punk targets), as the opposite that helps them
grasp their identity as punks.'* In other words, preppiness is the alternate
subjectivity open to them. Like punk, preppiness is itself a distinctive
way of life — clothes, behavior, and worldview — but one immersed in a
notion of affluent whiteness. Now, one can find nonwhite preppies and
those who do not wholly subscribe to tenets of conservatism and elitism,
but in punk’s social landscape it is a style thoroughly associated with “act-
ing” and “looking” white as well as “acting” and “looking” wealthy. In
punk, whiteness is configured as the subject position of the center, and
punk’s border crossing calls attention to its “invisible” ideology that per-
meates society and evaluates as an inferior “Other” all that does not meet
its standards. By associating whiteness with the suburb, punk comments

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 165

on the (mis)representation of white racial and class subjectivities, i.e., the
invisibility of whiteness and the attendant privileges it is awarded.

This can be interpreted as a move toward fulfilling David Roediger’s
claim that “consciousness of whiteness also contains elements of a cri-
tique of that consciousness and that we should encourage the growth of
a politics based on hopeful signs of a popular giving up on whiteness”
by “exposing, demystifying and demeaning [its] particular ideology.”
The Black Flag epigraph about being a “white minority” both labels
whiteness as a specific race and resists the homogenizing pressures of that
culture — to be bourgeois, mundane, conventional, in a word: uncool.
As the lyrics propose, the only viable alternative for white kids uninter-
ested in the American dream is to reject the privilege of their skin color
by emulating the lifestyle of marginalized subjects — safe from outside
control to the extent that they can remain hidden from and ignored by
the larger society like other “oppressed” social groups.”° So if, as Roedi-
ger argues, the “very claiming of a place in the US legally involved...
a claiming of whiteness,” punk’s cultural practice becomes even more
politically weighted as a refusal of the ruling perception of legitimate
Americanness itself?! The rewards of whiteness are rejected in their new
identity through a conscious “disaffiliation,” to use Marilyn Frye’s term,
from the racial and class groups in which they are supposed to desire
membership.”

To implement this strategy, class and racial difference are sometimes
conjoined by punks to distinguish how cut off from the mainstream
they now are. There is a deep investment in the idea of difference (as
well as white middle class homogeneity) that easily lapses into essen-
tialist formulations. The romanticized naturalization of marginality that
slips into their understanding of the sub-urban is a primary element of
the contradiction I discuss later, but I want to be clear on the matter
of racial and class diversity in L.A. punk subculture. As with preppies
who break the stereotype, one finds nonwhites participating in the L.A.
punk scene, paralleling Los Angeles’s multicultural population as whites,
blacks (Black Flag’s producer Spot), Chicanos (the Zeros, the Plugz, and
Suicidal Tendencies), Asian Americans (Dianne Chai, bass player for the
Alleycats, and Kenny, a teenage fan interviewed in Decline), and others
gather in the same social spaces. Yet, it must be conceded that the great
majority of this subculture consists, quite overwhelmingly and without a
hint of doubt, of white people.

It is more unwise, on the other hand, to generalize the subculture’s
class background (with the larger groups being lower and middle) be-
cause the audience not only was made up of suburban teenagers and

166 PUNKADEMICS

runaways but included college students, artists, and older fans like Ray
Manzarek of the Doors. In spite of this broad population, it is still the
social space of suburbia that keeps drawing punk’s contempt. To depict
the suburbs as populated by only the middle class is incorrect, for the
working class lives there, too (and many who joined the middle class
retained working class inflections after the rise in social status and real
estate values). Still, suburban punks are raised seeing what they are sup-
posed to envy and achieve with their lives. The clear visibility of eco-
nomic divisions and the desires they produce are the means by which the
middle class perpetuates itself. Punk uses one’s geographical location to
determine identity, reading one’s presence in suburbia as a telltale of one’s
desire to climb the next rung of the social ladder. The common themes of
the music and fans’ enunciations are focused on the perceived threat of a
petty bourgeois lifestyle and their consequent rejection of it. Even those
white punks not from the middle class can be read as reacting to their
race as the passport to such a life, rebelling against the very expectation
that suburban comfort is what they desire.

The music reveals a strong discursive investment in depicting “true”
fans as either coming from such a mainstream environment or refusing
to compete for its dangled rewards. And this protest is repeatedly framed
as a privatized concern with the self’s personal desires and problems. The
Descendents’ “Suburban Home” does not express an overt class politics
as much as a fear of losing to the forces of conformity. Similarly, the
Adolescents (“Creatures”), Middle Class (“Home is Where”), and Social
Distortion (““Mommy’s Little Monster”) are just a few other groups deal-
ing directly with the issue of one’s relation to a suburban identity.”* These
texts take a critical view of a culture people are born into but find hollow
and unfulfilling. The appropriation of sub-urbanism becomes a powerful
political statement given that the middle class wants to move up rather
than down, indeed, that it treats that mobility as an unspoken birthright.
Albeit not the central theme for every band or song, one can apply the
anti-suburban discourse to L.A. punk since its general politics critique
those who are not dispossessed.

Yet American punk was berated as “inauthentic” because it suppos-
edly lacked the more “serious” political realities considered a necessary
source for making a truly oppositional music. Los Angeles in particular is
censured as the final promised land of hyperreality where false surface is
treated as reality... Nonetheless, one should not discount the underlying
political impetus of this emerging culture. Rather than being born into
a life of poverty with nothing to lose, these malcontent descendants of
the American dream made a conscious decision to experience a different

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 167

sense of affect by joining the ranks of the disenfranchised “underclass.”

This is a debated term, coming into vogue in the 1980s, but it is
used commonly enough to suit our purposes.”4 The concept categorizes
poverty, and the cultural lifestyle associated with it, by splitting the poor
into two groups: those who are either deserving or undeserving, wor-
thy or unworthy. This division was central to conservative strategies for
dismantling social programs they claimed had “created a culture of de-
pendency in a population which explicitly denies the norms and values
of the society to which they notionally belong.” The undeserving poor
are stigmatized as enemies of the state who neglect their civic duty and
swindle decent citizens of their hard-earned money because they lack the
moral fiber and self-motivation to help themselves. Here we have a group
framed as so base they warrant no help whatsoever. What is stubborn-
ly ignored by the pundits manipulating this scapegoat portrait are the
structural inequalities at the root of poverty — racism, unemployment,
and dwindling employment opportunities for those unable to leave the
urban centers for jobs relocated to outlying suburbs.

This inaccurate, malicious portrayal of poverty opens a way for think-
ing about the roots of L.A. punk’s political imagination. Conservatives rep-
resent the underclass as a counterculture “who stand — in terms of values,
behavior or life style — in some sense outside ‘the collectivity.”* Punks take
this discourse of the underclass and turn it into a badge of honor. This at-
titude is central to statements Jeff Spurrier collected in his 1994 interviews
with people from the original scene who lived in the sub-urban:

Geza x: I was on SSI — about $600 a month. That was like

the artist’s subsidy. Nobody worked, everybody was broke,

but everybody just fed each other. It was like a tortilla-~and-
no-beans diet.

KK Bennett: They fed themselves by raiding an ice-cream
truck that was parked in the alleyway. They stole about
twenty gallons and ate it for weeks [...] And there was a
liquor store...that took our food stamps.””

These statements encode the survival techniques of extreme poverty —
living by one’s wits — as part of an alternate truth system, an ethic of living
that rejects the standard patterns. These memories are layered with the
rhetoric of community and improvisational negotiations of hardship, yet,
ironically, they fit the dominant culture’s negative depiction of the under-
class. Punks accede to and incorporate the racist assumptions of underclass

168 PUNKADEMICS

theories by engaging in the “pathological” activities attributed to that
group. Both Geza X and KK ennoble the kind of behavior conservatives
brandish for their periodic inner-city witch hunts. Punks act this way be-
cause they think it is how the sub-urban Other is “supposed” to behave.
What is revealed is the way L.A. punks rely on the center’s discourses for
their sense of marginality. This dilemma should be read as a cultural nego-
tiation — a practice and rhetoric built on the conflicting mixture of belief
systems the punks are working through — but that qualification must be
accompanied by an attempt to critically theorize the contradiction arising
when punks adopt a stereotype and posit it as sincere rebellion. [...]

[P]unk’s appropriation of otherness exhibits a significant transgressive
shift in the ideological investments of this group. Their self-marginaliza-
tion is enacted in opposition to the conservative vision of American life
where people adhere to those values of the proper American: self-reliance
and self-sacrifice directed toward material success. But punk’s desire for
a disjuncture between dominant and subordinate cultures gets compli-
cated when race enters the picture. The lower position most minorities
are forced to hold prevents full participation in the nation’s politics or
benefiting from its promises. This helps to account for why suburban
punks were so drawn to the image of the sub-urban to spurn the com-
placent life of American conservatism: to be associated with a nonwhite
underclass fulfills their logic of being disconnected from the norms and
free from the direct control of institutional power. Barry Shank’s discus-
sion of punk’s subterranean nature [...] emphasiz[es] the connection to
marginalized racial groups a punk lifestyle opens:

This rock’n’roll truly challenged people. It was not safe to
like it; you could get beat with a billy club; you could get
arrested. The ability to derive pleasure from punk rock gave
an instant aura of danger, independence, and power to

any individual... [Being a fan of punk] seemed to produce
momentary experiences for middle class [whites] akin to the
everyday life of Blacks or Hispanics.*8

This circles us back to Black Flag’s song, seeing how punk’s strategy
is to flip the binary of majority/minority. Minority status is the privi-
leged element for this group as they valorize it into a condition to be
appropriated. This recognizes the structural racism in American society,
yet it does so by essentializing the nonwhite Other into a victim role —
romanticizing nonwhites into all that is simultaneously threatening and
threatened. [...] What aims to be a critique of repression in L.A. punk

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 169

ends up an agent of it, for its rejection of the dominant culture relies on
adopting the stereotypes of inferior, violent, and criminal nonwhites.”

Punks attempt to re-create themselves by slipping on their concep-
tion of the life(style) and appearance of a marginal group, and this new
self is one that seemingly disrupts all certainty of an original core being.*°
The suburban identity is revealed as just another ideological construct of
normalcy imposed on its youth to contain them in the dominant sym-
bolic order. By shifting identities and donning what they regard to be the
image of the subordinate, they are engaged in an implicitly subversive
act that transcends a simple disaffected teenage rebellion as it disrupts
the entire system that has formed both themselves and the Other. In
effect this act destroys the hierarchy of meaning so that binaries — the
method by which bodies and products are judged, separated, and con-
tained — are shown to be arbitrary and empty. Such a positive treatment
of punk’s control over identity formation neglects the problematic as-
sumptions underlying how this subjectivity is actually achieved. In short,
these “real” punks choose an existence based on poverty, addiction, and
random sex and violence — what they consider to be the American reality
rather than the American dream. Ultimately, they are working from a
particular image of that reality by playing out the authorized stereotypes
they associate with that habitus and expect to find there.

This chosen life of social marginality depends on its relation to what
the suburban bourgeoisie decides to include and exclude from the cen-
ter. The cultural practice of punk’s subject formation comes to take on
another quality: a colonial appropriation of the sub-urban life through
a specific “look” and behavior. Punk’s border crossing can be read as a
commodification of the Other that aestheticizes identity for capital in a
symbolic economy of signification. Some are bothered that punk’s coun-
terhegemonic power ultimately cannot escape cooptation in the material
economic system, but the truth is they employ that same logic against
those they intend to posit as the newly privileged element. They exploit
the sub-urban to produce a product marketed through the channels of
their own bodies and cultural production, and while I do not accuse
them of a “failed rebellion” because they cannot get outside that system,
I do reject treating this contestation as if the agents are completely aware
of the contradictions within which they move. There is simply too much
being invested in this public image that wants to be taken quite seriously
as a cultural intervention.

The most obvious way to problematize this appropriation is by con-
sidering the option of (re)escape waiting for some participants back
home. Although one must be wary of generalizing the disparate economic

170 PUNKADEMICS

statuses and life options of white L.A. punks, we must also recall that this
rebellion, as framed by middle class punks, is a rejection of the desires
and social values causing the sense of economic anxiety their parents and
mainstream peers feel. These kids left a parent culture that believed their
lifestyle could survive if the proper political steps were taken — hence the
sweeping turn to conservatism — so there is still a sense of hope for the
future. And those values that attempt to maintain a middle class lifestyle,
which punks ran from, are still waiting for them. Besides, any transition
away from a sub-urban life will seem all that much easier because the
next level appears all that less grim. Even the Chicana Alice Bag of the
Bags, who left her east L.A. barrio to live in the Canterbury, has a better
place to run as the first phase of L.A. punk is dying in late 1979. Dis-
heartened by the changes in the subculture, she “moved back home and
had quit [the punk scene] and was getting ready to go back to school.”
By contrast, for “true” sub-urbans this life is one with very real threats
of hunger, disease, and death that are firmly rooted in a systematized
inequality from which they are unable to easily free themselves.

Admittedly, this border crossing increases the aura of “credibility” at-
tached to punks because they are living this life, but that status is just
another essentialist version of true identity. Postmodern parody and
decontextualized signifiers cannot adequately account for this cultural
practice because these subjects want context — they move into the sub-ur-
ban and are utterly invested in it, otherwise they are mere “poseurs.” This
pursuit of authenticity, no matter how sincere, is as insulting a gesture as
playacting when compared to those who cannot escape. That they would
freely opt to live like oppressed groups formed by historical and social
conditions they cannot claim says much about the political dedication of
some punks, but it also speaks to how people of their social status under-
stand their relationship to the notion of freedom. As Grossberg proposes,
mobility and access can be configured spatially, for where one is placed
on the map of the social totality “define[s] the forms of empowerment or
agency...available to particular groups.” Such places are constituted in
a way that can offer either emancipation or further repression — a large
number of punks enjoy the former. The crushing realities of racial and/
or economic subjugation are trivialized in their search for autonomy.
They become mere adornments for differentiation to be discarded when
no longer useful to the new subjectivity — just one more brand in the su-
permarket of identities. Punks attempt to be associated with a group that
is ignored and swept away from public acknowledgment [...] but that
oppressed status is complicated by being presented in a way that requires,
that begs for, the shocked gaze of the conservative masses.

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 171

If we return to the Canterbury apartments, that physical and social
space chosen for its qualities of extreme otherness, only seven months
after a contingent of punks moved in, we find a growing tension be-
tween the “real” sub-urbans and the new initiates. Craig Lee describes
the changing state of the hotel and the negative reaction of the non-punk
residents to their neighbors:

The halls smelled like shit, someone constantly pissed in the
elevator...one girl was raped at gunpoint, cockroaches were
everywhere, and another girl had an angry neighbor throw
a pot of boiling soup on her face. Racial tensions were high.
The basement rehearsal room had been padlocked, little
fires were breaking out and punks started to flee. What had
been envisioned as L.A.’s equivalent of the Chelsea Hotel
[in New York] was no longer hospitable to kids playing
Wire and Sham 69 full blast at four in the morning.®

The punks treated the Canterbury the way they thought it deserved.
They behaved like spoiled kids who refuse to clean up after themselves
and showed no respect for a place some are forced to live in because they
lack a choice. This is more than the “snotty teen” pose punks affected.
Here we see them using the sub-urban identity but refusing the possible
multiple desires of people in that habitus. The sub-urban subject is exoti-
cized, forced into a preexisting stereotype that further stabilizes a mono-
lithic view of marginality. Gayle Wald’s account of this problem (with
reference to Janis Joplin) is accurate: it “borders on a reactionary roman-
ticization...and a reification of the notion of racial [and class] differ-
ence.”*4 [...] Lee does not elaborate on the cause of the “racial tensions”
at the Canterbury, but one might assume they grew out of a feeling that
the punks “don’t fit in’ here and have no respect for “us.”

Any conceptualization of punk identity that equates the suburban
and sub-urban as having comparable opportunities for subject (re)for-
mation is problematic. “True” sub-urbans have considerably less control
over their life choices, least of all over the identities they can afford to
wear or the places where they can show them off. Punks ignore how
some have the freedom to explore different identities while ontological
mobility is restricted for others — “white subjectivity [is equated] with a
social entitlement to experiment with identity.” Denaturalizing both
suburban and sub-urban identities is a worthy objective, but then what?
This is not a plea for returning to a naive conception of authenticity, it
simply acknowledges that suburban punks crossing racial and class lines

172 PUNKADEMICS

come from a position where they are allowed to speak and act, where
they have more options. All identities are performances of approved cat-
egories (ways we are either taught or adopt) so punks are trying on a
particular subjectivity to accomplish a transgressive goal. Yet something
lingers, something that intimates complicity, when kids coming from
comfortable lives earn hipness by playing dress “down” — a version of
symbolic capital acquisition in the economy of youth culture.

By framing these practices of signification within an economic meta-
phor, we see that punk exhibits a colonizing impulse in its border cross-
ing. It exploits the condition of sub-urbans by mimicking a “way of life”
others must negotiate in order to survive. What can be considered the
sub-urban’s labor (i.e., what they “do”) in the economy of signification
is to look and act “poor,” and this is turned into a form of prestige by
punks: being different by acting poor, which is all the more troublesome
since they believe there is such a way of behaving that is then totalized.
Acquiring symbolic capital is how the appropriation of otherness “pays,”
and it becomes the imperializing gesture in punk’s tactic of escape... This
is a re-othering because those in the margin are made to conform to pre-
conceptions that are a product of the center. Punks totalize their chosen
marginal subjects according to their own narrative of honorable poverty;
they force the Other into a fixed identity to empower themselves. The
assumption that the life of the underclass is open to appropriation ob-
jectifies them in a model of emulation, while conveniently ignoring how
these people may want to escape from the degradation of this life.

By treating them as an exploitable object enabling punks to achieve
their own desires, this re-othering allows the center to continue speaking
for the Other. By eliding the heterogeneous hopes existing in the sub-
urban, they silence the marginal subject's own viewpoint on marginal-
ity. By proposing that they have joined a different cultural formation by
adopting a certain lifestyle, punks further naturalize that subject position
in a binary relationship to suburban life that is also (re)naturalized. The
power of whiteness is recentered and buttressed as the norm through a
logic of stereotyped racial and class difference — those sought-after char-
acteristics of otherness that are actually products of dominant white dis-
courses — to give a substantive meaning to their cultural practice. I wish
to avoid duplicating the punks’ theft of voice, but it is highly dubious
that anyone located in the sub-urban — for a reason other than free will
— would consider this life a just and good consequence of the unequal
distribution of wealth.

This incongruity between positive social intentions and negative ide-
ological underpinnings rarely appears in the enunciations of L.A. punks.

L.A.S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 173

The result is that living on welfare becomes more like a game than a
necessity, daily navigating danger is a source of excitement rather than
terror. Although punk situated itself as a self-conscious reaction to the
commodification ubiquitous in late capitalism — realizing that even as it
berated corporate rock it could not sell its product without replicating its
processes — it appears neither capable of, nor interested in extending, that
critique to its own cultural practices at this level. Too many suburban
L.A. punks seem to believe they can achieve an identity free of their past
personal history by moving to this social space and positioning them-
selves as a taste culture on the boundaries of mainstream consumption.
Ironically, it is this system of differentiation that limits the effectiveness
of punk’s politics. Those subjects adopting a sub-urban “lifestyle” are,
in essence, duplicating the methods of the group they publicly vilify to
realize their rebellion. They leave the parent culture to form their own
“lifestyle enclave” by producing an identity different from others accord-
ing to certain patterns of belief, dress, and leisure activity, all framed as
a vanguardist movement occurring in underground venues for people of
the same inclination.*° To escape the group mentality, they build their
own group; one purposefully designed to appeal to certain types of peo-
ple while keeping others out. As a subculture of secret meanings and
codes for dress, bodily movement (be it dancing, walking, or posing),
and attitude, the identity produced is an exclusionary one; therefore, in
the end they are not unlike their parents. Although intended to func-
tion as a counterhegemonic alternative to the center, punk remains less a
threat to institutions of authority than merely another option because it
must maintain the center’s standards to position itself. ..{Thus] it is really
“Punk” itself that replicates the dominant by using the same basic ideol-
ogy and social patterns as the parent culture. The transgressive potential
of their strategy for rejecting America’s reigning ideologies is enervated
since it is quite complicit with such beliefs. And this is due to that strin-
gent faith in the primacy of the individual — one of the key discourses
America and Americans use to justify coercive and oppressive acts — so
central to punk’s conceptualization of resistance. Any economic and so-
cial injustices punk rails against are an effect of the logic of individual-
ism. An ideology rationalizing the withdrawal into private concerns — be
it financial or spiritual or aesthetic fulfillment — by advocating self-inter-
est is the one taken up as the foundational tenet of punk politics.

Punk’s discourse finally becomes an extension of the parent culture's
belief system; an unconscious affirmation of the materialism and politi-
cal self-interest this “counterculture” claims to oppose... The late capital-
ist alienation these subjects feel is due to their investment in a version

174 PUNKADEMICS

of autonomy that perpetuates that sense of isolation by privileging an
insular individuation over a collectivity that will allow the inclusion of
non-punks. They force themselves into a solipsistic cocoon wherein they
cannot affect the conditions they claim make them unhappy, and this
adds the finishing touches to their sense of alienation. As a music and
culture produced by postmodern subjects, punk may best be understood
in terms of a Foucauldian micropolitics: the localized effect of crossing
boundaries contains the potential to spread. This possibility is severely
limited, though; punk is too far in the margin, due to its own actions
and those of society at large, to be heard by the kind of mass audience a
more subdued music can (or is allowed to) reach. Perhaps, however, that
is all that can be asked of it.

My intention has not been to police ontological boundaries of race
and class as they have been traditionally demarcated. The point is hardly
that punks fail to achieve a thing called authenticity, a “true” and whole
self; nor is it that they fail to meet an impossible injunction to exist in
either “pure ‘autonomy’ or total encapsulation.”*” The point is to en-
sure that people deploying “subversive” narratives and practices main-
tain the skepticism that initially prompted the decision to transgress.
Punks prove themselves highly adept at criticism, including themselves,
but more typically of those positioned as outside themselves. Yet I have
shown the borderline that could not be crossed in Los Angeles, the dis-
course they refused to treat with critical vigor. For those punks who join
the sub-urban and those simply celebrating it as the Other of suburbia,
their means of self-construction remain entrenched in the logic of indi-
viduality as it is practiced by the enemy: the bourgeoisie they claim to
reject. Despite the possibilities for engaging in denaturalization, their
contrarian version of “reality” and the “good” succumbs to the illusion of
a whole self, and the home where they choose to cultivate that subjectiv-
ity is based on stereotypes circulated by the dominant power formation.
Although attempting to create a free self on their own terms, L.A. punks
forgo critiquing their complicity in denying freedom, thus getting fur-
ther entwined within the system they despise to the point that the para-
dox becomes so accepted — like the unseen whiteness in the center — that
it is rendered all the more invisible to themselves.

NOTES

1 This chapter is an edited and abridged version of an article that was
originally published as Daniel S. Traber, “L.A.’s “White Minority’: Punk
and the Contradictions of Self-Marginalization,” Cultural Critique, No.

L.A.’S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 175

48. (Spring, 2001): 30-64. Thanks to University of Minnesota Press for
granting permission to reprint the text.

Lawrence Grossberg, “Another Boring Day in Paradise: Rock and Roll
and the Empowerment of Everyday Life,” in Dancing in Spite of Myself:
Essays on Popular Culture (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1997),
p. 31.

Barry Shank, Dissonant Identities: The Rock'n'Roll Scene in Austin, Texas
(Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1994), p. 122.

My bookends encompass the points from which punk becomes a rec-
ognized scene in Los Angeles to its transformation into hardcore and
final wane into cliché. There is typically a line drawn between punk and
hardcore that places the latter in the 1980s, depicting it as faster, more
violent, and less interested in the artistic motivations of the first phase.
Hardcore is all of these in its different guises, but several of the so-called
“later” punks had been interested and active in the scene well before any
official demarcation was imposed. Black Flag is a band associated with
hardcore who existed since the beginning; in fact, “White Minority” was
first recorded in January 1978, well after the Germs’ first single but before
Dangerhouse issued the Yes L.A. compilation of “properly” punk bands.
Stories of the changing scene — that hardcore pushed out Hollywood art-
rockers with younger, dumber, rougher suburban kids — rarely mention
that the hardcore bands had been blocked out of the scene by the key
clubs, so it did not occur as suddenly as historians tend to frame it. Thus
hardcore is best understood as an emerging culture within an emerging
culture.

Peter Belsito and Bob Davis, Hardcore California: A History of Punk and
New Wave (San Francisco: Last Gasp Publishing, 1983), p. 17.

Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Methuen,
1979), p. 120.

Belsito and Davis, p. 22.

Jeff Spurrier, “California Screaming,” Details (December 1994), p. 122.
See Mike Davis City of Quartz (New York: Random-Vintage, 1992) on
the development and political mobilization of L.A.’s suburbs, especially
chapter 3. George Lipsitz gives a detailed history of the Federal Housing
Administration’s racist practices in making home loans that resulted in
the overwhelming white demographics of postwar suburbs in The Posses-
sive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998).

Spurrier, p. 126.

The Decline of Western Civilization, Penelope Spheeris, Director (Atlantic
Television, 1980).

21
22

23

24

PUNKADEMICS

Henry Rollins, Get in the Van: On the Road with Black Flag (Los Angeles:
2.13.61, 1994), p. 8.

Ibid, p. 11.

The Decline of Western Civilization, Penelope Spheeris, Director (Atlantic
Television, 1980).

Spurrier, p. 126.

(Ed.) Elaine K Ginsberg, Passing and the Fictions of Identity (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1996), p. 15.

Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working
Class (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 51.

Another State of Mind, Adam Small and Peter Stuart, directors (Time
Bomb Filmworks, 1983).

David R. Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race,
Politics, and Working Class History (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 3, 12.
Greil Marcus attacks “White Minority” as a song about hatred of the
Other, that person or thing which is the not-I (Ranters and Crowd Pleas-
ers: Punk in Pop Music, 1977-92 [New York: Anchor, 1993], p. 185).
His censure is based on misunderstanding the song’s lyrics: what he reads
as “breed inferiority” is actually “feel inferiority” (p. 184). This is not an
attack on the Other, it is a call to become Other, to “hide anywhere” you
can so as to escape that center legitimizing itself through “white pride.”
Discarding social centeredness for a life on the periphery allows one to
sidestep the dominant power formations and to forestall being incorpo-
rated into their system of reality.

Roediger, p. 189.

Marilyn Frye, “On Being White: Thinking toward a Feminist Under-
standing of Race and Race Supremacy,” in The Politics of Reality: Essays in
Feminist Theory (Trumansburg, NY: Crossing Press, 1983).
Descendents, “Suburban Home,” Somery. (1982, rereleased, Lawndale,
CA: SST, 1991), LP; Adolescents, “Creatures,” Adolescents (1981, rere-
leased, Sun Valley, CA: Frontier, 1990), LP; Middle Class, “Home Is
Where,” A Blueprint for Joy, 1978-1980 (1980, rereleased, Los Ange-
les: Velvetone, 1995), LP; Social Distortion, “Mommy’s Little Monster,”
Mommy’ Little Monster (New York: Time Bomb, 1983), LP.

Christopher Jencks, “Is the American Underclass Growing?” in (eds.)
Christopher Jencks and Paul E. Peterson, The Urban Underclass (Wash-
ington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1991), p. 28; Lydia Morris, Danger-
ous Classes: The Underclass and Social Citizenship (London: Routledge,
1994), pp. 107-10. See also Micaela di Leonardo, Exotics at Home: An-
thropologies, Others, American Modernity (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1998) and Francis Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, The New

25
26
27
28
29

30

L.A.S ‘WHITE MINORITY’ 177

Class War: Reagan’ Attack on the Welfare State and Its Consequences (New
York: Pantheon, 1982) on the underclass debate. See Michael Katz, Jn
the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New
York: BasicBooks, 1986) for a history of welfare in America, including
the tropes used to discuss it.

Morris, p. 3.

Ibid, p. 79.

Spurrier, pp. 120, 122.

Shank, p. 110.

Punk's challenge to whiteness is further conflicted by the music itself. Its
investment in the label “whiteness” has been transformed, yet, in a sense,
it calls attention to and plays up its race through the music...Some imag-
ine punk bleaching out rock’s “blackness,” but this should point us to-
ward recognizing the problem of trying to attach the name “whiteness” to
punk music: at its root it remains a style of rock and roll — indeed, a self-
conscious bricolage of its very history — replete with the deep grounding
in African-American culture that helped to give birth to rock... [Punk's]
own interests echo the attributes typically deployed to explain what rock
learned from African-American traditions (and thereby naturalizing the
cultural as racial difference): “honest” expression, energy and emotional
passion, and articulating dissent through music.

One may consider Judith Butler's work on performativity where she
turns to Mary Douglas’s theory of the margins to propose that the “pol-
lution” ingested by going there will “contaminate” normalized discursive
practices inscribed in subjects (Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Sub-
version of Identity (London: Routledge, 1990], p. 132). The sub-urban
existence, with its status as the reviled, is chosen as a means for articulat-
ing opposition to the centralized discourses read as “white” by punks,
with all that racial designation implies to them (often within essentialist
paradigms) about social privilege and bland conformity. What Butler
calls the “operation of repulsion” is capable of weakening the boundaries
that are “tenuously maintained for the purposes of social regulation and
control” (p. 133)... We also see the possible danger in Butler’s theory, for
punk’s rejection of the dominant culture relies on adopting the stereo-
typed connotations of inferior, violent, and criminal nonwhites invented
by it. In Butler’s defense, I have left underdeveloped her idea of parody
because the notion of parodic play in L.A. punk is untenable...For the
most part, punk would have to wait for the riot grrrls movement for
anything resembling a truly parodic manipulation of regulatory iden-
tities (see Joanne Gottlieb and Gayle Wald, “Smells Like Teen Spirit:
Riot Grrrls, Revolution, and Women in Independent Rock,” in (eds.)

178

31
32

33
34

35
36

37

PUNKADEMICS

Andrew Ross and Tricia Rose, Microphone Fiends: Youth Music and Youth
Culture, [London: Routledge, 1994]; and Neil Nehring’s Popular Music,
Gender, and Postmodernism: Anger Is an Energy [Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage, 1997)).

Spurrier, p. 124.

Lawrence Grossberg, “Identity and Cultural Studies — Is That All There
Is?” in (eds.) Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay, Questions of Cultural Identity
(London: Sage, 1996), p. 102.

Belsito and Davis, p. 31.

Gayle Wald, “One of the Boys? Whiteness, Gender, and Popular Music
Studies,” in (ed.) Mike Hill, Whiteness: A Critical Reader (New York: New
York University Press, 1997), p. 158.

Wald, p. 153.

Robert N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler,
and Steven M. Tipton, Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commit-
ment in American Life (New York: Harper, 1985), p. 335.

Stuart Hall, “Notes on Deconstructing ‘the Popular,” in (ed.) John Sto-
rey, Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: A Reader (Athens, GA: Univer-
sity of Georgia Press, 1998), p. 447. Johan Fornas argues that debating
authenticity is pointless. Authenticity should be seen as an act of con-
textualized self-reflexivity such that it “appears as an option and a con-
struction rather than as a given fact” (quoted in Nehring, Popular Music,
p. 63). Identity is formed according to localized “rules” that create the
boundaries defining authenticity, and sense is then freed from a romantic

conception of “natural” origin or purity.

TAVIA NYONG’O

THE INTERSECTIONS OF
PUNK AND QUEER IN THE
1970$'

NO FUTURE...FOR YOU!

A PLAUSIBLE STARTING point for exploring the relationship between
punk and queer is the shared vocabulary of “rough trade,” the phrase de-
noting the easily recognized casual and sometimes commoditized sexual
exchanges found in both subcultures. In Rob Young’s excellent new his-
tory of the germinal punk music store and record label Rough Trade, he
reprints a cartoon that economically summarizes that relation. In it, a
cherubic, London-born Geoff Travis hitching through North America
pauses to think: “Toronto was pretty cool...that band ‘Rough Trade’
must know the phrase means gay hustlers. That’s even trashier than “Vel-
vet Underground.” This particular origin story for the label and store’s
name begs the question: does its founder Travis know that the same
etymology of the phrase rough trade is also true of the word punk? As
James Chance bluntly informs viewers of Don Letts’s recent documen-
tary Punk: Attitude (2003), “originally punk meant, you know, a guy in
prison who got fucked up the ass. And that’s still what it means to people
in prison.” At one level, then, queer is to punk as john is to hustler, with
both words referencing an established if underground economy of sexual
favors and exchanges between men. That Chance could announce his
definition as a ribald revelation suggests, however, that the subterranean
linkages between punk and queer are as frequently disavowed as they are
recognized. This suggests that alongside the “frozen dialectic” between
black and white culture that Dick Hebdige famously noticed in British
punk, there is also a less frequently noticed but equally furtive set of

180 PUNKADEMICS

transactions between queer and punk that is hidden, like Poe’s purloined
letter, in plain sight.’

Punk may be literally impossible to imagine without gender and
sexual dissidence. But the secret history, as Chance’s comment suggests,
also records a history of antagonisms between punk attitude and a male
homosexual desire variously cast as predatory and pitiable. In a recent in-
terview, for example, the journalist and author Jon Savage responded to
the query about whether or not punk was “a sexy time” by arguing, “No.
I thought punk was quite puritan, really. I didn’t have a very good time
during punk. I spent a lot of time feeling I was worthless... it still wasn’t
great to be gay in the late Seventies.”* The phrasing of the question, and
the whiff of pathos in Savage’s response, suggests both a queer eagerness
to identify with punk, as well as the hostility with which this desire was
frequently met. We might consider as another example of this “53rd and
3rd” (1976) by the New York punk rockers the Ramones, in which Dee
Dee Ramone recounts his hustling days at that notorious intersection on
the east side of Manhattan and asks his audience, “Don’t it make you feel
sick?”® That line, ironically, is rhymed with “You're the one they never
pick,” suggesting Ramone’s doubled abjection of failing even at being
rough trade. But by contrast, Cynthia Fuchs, Mary Kearney, and Hal-
berstam have argued that the affinities between lesbian, feminist, trans,
and gay people and the punk subculture was immediate, definitive, and
far more enduring.’

In a 2006 exchange with Edelman, Halberstam observed that his
provocative title, No Future, was also the original title for the 1977 Sex
Pistols’ single, the one known more commonly today as “God Save the
Queen.” In the chorus to that song, the band front man, Johnny Rotten,
snarled that there was “no future in England’s dreaming,” a line from
which Savage drew the title for his celebrated history of British punk.® In
Halberstam’s opinion, Edelman’s queer polemic does not stand up well
in light of its unacknowledged punk predecessor. “While the Sex Pistols
used the refrain ‘no future’ to reject a formulaic union of nation, mon-
archy, and fantasy,” she argues, “Edelman tends to cast material political
concerns as crude and pedestrian, as already a part of the conjuring of fu-
turity that his project must foreclose.”? Edelman, like Oscar Wilde with
his rent boys, stands accused of using punks and then snubbing them as
“crude and pedestrian,” like the waiter whom Wilde famously, at his trial,
denied kissing, dismissing him as “peculiarly plain” and “unfortunately,
extremely ugly.”!°

Halberstam’s comparison between the political stakes of “No Fu-
ture” 1977 versus No Future 2004 bears some discussion. While rock

THE INTERSECTIONS OF PUNK AND QUEER IN THE 1970S 181

stars may seem unlikely objects on which to pin our hopes for the ex-
pression of material political concerns, historians like Savage and Greil
Marcus have situated “God Save the Queen” in a context of political,
economic, and cultural crisis, one in which both conventional politics
and the countercultural ethos of the sixties appeared exhausted and a
time during which the anarchic antipolitics of punk therefore signaled
something new.'! Marcus in particular persuasively susses out the reso-
nances, real and feigned, between anarchism proper and the anarchist
poses and iconography of punk shock tactics. The offensive gestures of
bands such as the Sex Pistols, the Clash, and Siouxsie and the Banshees,
documented in films like Don Letts’s The Punk Rock Movie (1978) and
Julien Temple’s The Filth and the Fury (2000), sometimes communicated
a rejection of political action as traditionally conceived on the Left. But
their very popularity inspired attempts, by both the Right and the Left,
to appropriate punk attitude for political purposes. Paul Gilroy has given
perhaps the definitive account of the contradictions involved in such
attempts to incorporate punk, reggae, dancehall, dub, and other genres
associated with alterity into a new cultural front in the late 1970s.'* The
absence of formal political incorporation, Gilroy notes, does not imme-
diately negate the possibility of a political reception or deployment.
Furthermore, cultural critiques of the political meanings ascribed to
punk often elide the class context of British punk, a component of the
subculture that is often missed in the United States where the sub in
subculture seems to stand more often for “suburban” than “subaltern”
and where punk is typically read as a mode of middle class youth alien-
ation. The submerged context of class struggle for British punk, however,
comes to the fore in The Filth and the Fury’s astonishing footage of Rot-
ten, Sid Vicious, and their bandmates smiling and serving cake to the
children of striking firemen in Huddersfield, England, in 1977. Amid
the moral panic, physical assaults, and public bans that had followed
their incendiary early performances and record releases, the Sex Pistols
played a Christmas benefit for the strikers and families. In the film, the
Pistols are seen smearing themselves and the children with cake, and then
performing, almost unbelievably, “Bodies” — an intensely graphic song
about an illegal abortion — as the children and their parents bop around
deliriously. Such a truly shocking conflation of the sentimental and the
obscene, the perverse and the innocent, produced a moment of saturna-
lia that served as an outright rejection of the manufactured consensual
fantasy of the queen’s jubilee year. That moment was political in spite of,
or even because of, the absence of a formalized politics among the callow,
gangly lads that the pop Svengali Malcolm McLaren had cannily spun

182 PUNKADEMICS

into cultural terrorists. Like Patti Smith, the Pistols in Huddersfield did
not outright reject the mainstream scenarios of family, child rearing, and
workingclass politics. Rather, they insinuated themselves into the very
space that their rebellious stance ostensibly foreclosed to them. In both
cases, Smith’s and that of the Pistols, there is a countersymbolic charge
to such a performative enactment that cannot simply be subsumed as
antisocial behavior.

For Edelman, however, such a countersymbolic charge goes mostly
unappreciated. Edelman has objected that the Pistols’ “God Save the
Queen” “does not really dissent from reproductive futurism,” and he has
argued that punk rebellion is merely caught up in the Oedipal dynamic
of the young claiming the future from their corrupt and complicit elders:
“No future...for you!” Instead of with the sinthome, Edelman associates
punk anarchy with the derisive category of kitsch, ever the mandarins’
term for that which the masses take seriously but which they consider
intellectually or politically puerile. “Taken as political statement,” Edel-
man argues, “God Save the Queen” is “little more than Oedipal kitsch.
For violence, shock, assassination, and rage aren't negative or radical in
themselves.” While Edelman concedes that “punk negativity” may suc-
ceed “on the level of style,” he takes such success to reinforce rather
than undermine his position on the grounds that stylistic revolt is best
achieved through the “chiasmic inversions” of his erudite polemic. Edel-
man warrants that the punks — and Halberstam in her critique — have
confused “the abiding negativity that accounts for political negativism
with the simpler act of negating particular political positions.” We can-
not preserve its negativity by making “the swing of the hammer an end in
itself,” as Edelman puts it, but only if we “face up to political antagonism
with the negativity of critical thought.”!? Johnny Rotten, meet Theodor
Adorno.

Punk as a mode of revolt indeed begins in fairly blunt affects such as
stroppiness and rage. But to reduce its message to the negation of par-
ticular political positions (such as repudiating the queen’s jubilee) means
that Edelman accounts for the Pistols’ song only at the level of the lyr-
ics and neglects a consideration of punk in the context of performance.
This is a shame, as punk performers are highly cognizant of precisely the
challenge of abiding negativism that Edelman raises. In the case of the
Pistols, this challenge emerges at least in part from the original nega-
tion of musical skill and technical virtuosity that had occasioned punk’s
three-chord breakthroughs in the mid-1970s. Letts’s documentary Punk:
Attitude reflects retrospectively on the problematic prospect of a virtu-
oso punk rebellion. If punk rock dissented in part by rejecting musical

THE INTERSECTIONS OF PUNK AND QUEER IN THE 1970S 183

virtuosity for pure attitude and ecstatic amateurism, how precisely could
it sustain that stance? The more committed to punk one was, the quicker
one acquired precisely the expressive fluency the genre ostensibly dis-
dains. Either that, or one transforms into a cynical parody of adolescent
fumbling such as that exhibited by former Bromley Contingent member
Billy Idol, the bottle blond who transformed Vicious’s wild snarl into the
knowing smirk of eighties megastardom. Punk, like adolescence, quickly
becomes its own archival specter, and for many purists, the moment was
over almost as soon as the first punk singles were released. Simon Reyn-
olds explores the extremely fruitful terrain of “post-punk” music (some
of which preceded punk proper, or developed adjacent to it) that rose
to prominence almost as soon as the style of punk had congealed into a
recognizable, repeatable form.'* The challenge of an abiding negativism,
whether or not one agrees with the various solutions proposed, is a core
feature of punk performance. Punk and postpunk styles are anything
but the static, generational revolt caricatured by Edelman’s analysis. The
punk spirit cannot be decoded from a single lyric, song, or band, no mat-
ter how iconic the text or performer seems to be.

Part of this spirit, of course, is the traceable charge of erotic frisson
detectable in much of the seemingly hostile overlap between punks and
queers, which are often mirrored in the social and economic dynamics
that crystallize the relationship between john and hustler. Those dynam-
ics derive from a history of attitudes toward male homosexuality; but it
strikes me that 1970s punk represents the moment at which those spe-
cifically male homosexual associations lose their exclusivity and punk be-
comes a role and an affect accessible to people within a range of gendered
embodiments who deploy punk for a variety of erotic, aesthetic, and
political purposes. The asymmetric, hostile, and desirous relations pre-
served in punk from the dynamics of rough trade do not always produce
an open, inclusive punk community. But the forms of exclusivity punk
has historically produced tend to fail abjectly at the reproduction of he-
gemonic and identitarian logics, even when they seek to engage in it.

For this reason it may prove useful to acknowledge and meditate fur-
ther on the historical switch points between punk and queer. Let me
offer two that would bear a more extensive analysis than I have space
for here: a 1975 photo session of the Sex Pistols done by Peter Christo-
pherson, a member of the legendary performance art and music group
Throbbing Gristle, and Derek Jarman’s 1977 film Jubilee. Christopher-
son, whose early work, by his own description, was “of white trash kids,
a bit like Larry Clark’s work,” was contracted in the summer of 1975
by McLaren to photograph the Sex Pistols. This was at a time when

184 PUNKADEMICS

McLaren and his partner, Vivienne Westwood, ran the famed SEX shop
on Kings Road in London that featured men’s and women’s street fash-
ions inspired by S-M, gay porn, and various fetishes, like bondage trou-
sers, that were both intentionally shocking and knowingly Warholian.
But wearing the iconography or style of the homosexual — such as the
gay cowboy T-shirts the Pistols would sometimes sport in concert — was
apparently not the same thing as subjecting oneself to the stigma of be-
ing perceived as homosexual, or being willingly identified as “gay for
pay.” When Christopherson posed the Pistols to resemble rent boys in a
YMCA toilet, McLaren was apparently shocked and threatened by the
explicitly homoerotic images, and he turned down the pictures.’? The
photos nevertheless reside as one archival switch point between the queer
and punk seventies.

Similarly, Jarman’s Jubilee is considered by some the first punk movie,
and to make it he recruited a number of nonprofessional actors from
the punk scene, including Jordan (Pamela Rooke), Adam Ant, and (in
a cameo) Siouxsie Sioux. According to Chuck Warner, the punk Steve
Treatment guided Jarman through the punk scene, vouching for the gay
outsider when necessary.'° The film, originally intended as an impres-
sionistic documentary of punk London, evolved into a powerful de-
piction of urban dystopia as seen from the fantastic vantage point of a
time-traveling Queen Elizabeth I. A historically and theatrically erudite
iteration of the Pistols’ “God Save the Queen,” Jubilee literalized the dis-
junction between present-day reality and an anachronistic monarchy by
juxtaposing Elizabeth with the anarchic punks. The film proved prophet-
ic in a number of ways, but it was not universally well received at first,
with Westwood delivering her review on (where else?) a T-shirt: “The
most boring and therefore disgusting film...a gay boy jerk off through
the titillation of his masochistic tremblings. You pointed your nose in the
right direction then you wanked.”!” Westwood’s rhetorical condensation
of Jarman’s camera — first onto his nose, then onto his penis — made par-
ticularly explicit the structures of cruising and slumming that made the
production of the film possible. And yet to freeze the queen/queer at the
other end of a voyeuristic lens would prematurely foreclose the transmis-
sions of desire and affect that were clearly at play in both directions, and
to which Jubilee stands as an important testament. As Peter Hitchcock
notes, while “slumming is an ideologeme of class discourse...the slum-
mer also fantasizes what the culture must otherwise hide, the ways in
which the porous conditions of class augur the concrete possibilities of
change.”'® Rough no doubt, but trade no less.

THE INTERSECTIONS OF PUNK AND QUEER IN THE 1970S 185

NOTES
‘This chapter originally appeared in Tavia Nyong’o, “Do You Want Queer
Theory or Do You Want the Truth? The Intersections of Punk and Queer
in the 1970s,” Radical History Review, No. 100 (2008): 102-119. Thanks
to Duke University Press for permission to reprint this excerpt.
Rob Young, Rough Trade: Labels Unlimited (London: Black Dog, 2006),
p. 11.
For more on punk as a keyword, see Tavia Nyong’o, “Punkd Theory,”
Social Text, Vol. 23 No. 3-4, 84-85 (2005): 19-34.
“For, at the heart of the punk subculture, forever arrested, lies this frozen
dialectic between black and white cultures — a dialectic which beyond
a certain point (i.e. ethnicity) is incapable of renewal, trapped, as it is,
within its own history, imprisoned within its own irreducible antimo-
nies.” Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Rout-
ledge, 1979), p. 70.
Alex Needham, “Jon Savage,” Butt, Winter 2006, p. 62.
The Ramones, “53rd and 3rd,” on The Ramones (1976), Audio CD, Sire.
Judith Halberstam, In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies,
Subcultural Lives (New York: New York University Press, 2005); Mary
Celeste Kearney, “The Missing Links: Riot Grrrl — Feminism — Lesbian
Culture,” in ed. Sheila Whiteley, Sexing the Groove: Popular Music and
Gender (New York: Routledge, 1997), pp. 207-29; Cynthia Fuchs, “If
I Had a Dick: Queers, Punks, and Alternative Acts,” in ed. Thomas
Swiss, John Sloop, and Andrew Herman, Mapping the Beat: Popular
Music and Contemporary Theory (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1998), pp.
101-18.
Jon Savage, Englands Dreaming: Anarchy, Sex Pistols, Punk Rock, and Be-
yond (New York: St. Martin’s, 2002).
Robert Caserio et al., “Forum: Conference Debates; The Antisocial The-
sis in Queer Theory,” Proceedings of the Modern Language Studies Associa-
tion 121 (2006): 824.
Michael S. Foldy, The Trials of Oscar Wilde: Deviance, Morality, and Late-
Victorian Society (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), p. 17.
Greil Marcus, Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989).
Paul Gilroy, “Zhere Ain't No Black in the Union Jack”: The Cultural Politics
of Race and Nation (London: Hutchinson, 1987).
Caserio et al., “Forum,” p. 822.
Simon Reynolds, Rip Jt Up and Start Again: Postpunk, 1978-1984 (New
York: Penguin, 2006).

186

PUNKADEMICS

Simon Ford, Wreckers of Civilisation: The Story of Coum Transmissions and
Throbbing Gristle (London: Black Dog, 2000), pp. 4-10, 5-13. Some of
the photos are reproduced in Savage, Englands Dreaming.

Chuck Warner, personal conversation with author, August 13, 2005.
Quoted by Tony Peake in “Derek Jarman’s Jubilee (1977),” an essay ac-
companying the Criterion Collection release of Jubilee. Online at http://
www.criterion.com.

Peter Hitchcock, “Slumming,” in eds. Maria C. Sanchez and Linda
Schlossberg, Passing: Identity and Interpretation in Sexuality, Race, and
Religion (New York: New York University Press, 2001), pp. 184-85.

MEXIPUNX 187
RUBEN ORTIZ-TORRES

WHO WERE THEY? What did they do? How did they sound or what did
they look like? If they were anarchists, I was one of them...

the hillsides ring with “Free the people”

Or can I hear the echo from the days of 39?

With trenches full of poets

The ragged army, fixiw’ bayonets to fight the other line
Spanish bombs rock the province

Im hearing music from another time

Spanish bombs on the Costa Brava

In flying in on a DC-10 tonight

-The Clash, “Spanish Bombs”

The Spanish civil war was lost by Spain and civilization but it was
won by Mexico when thousands of intellectuals and other political refu-
gees were given asylum and turned up on its shores in 1939. Among
them was the Andalucian anarchist teacher, José the Tapia, who realized
that freedom had to be taught at an early stage before social pressures
to conform settle in. He founded an alternative experimental utopian
grammar school that I was so privileged to attend. “Anarchism is not a
fashion or an A inside a circle, it is morals” he told me later on.

Diego was fourteen when he came back to Mexico City from visit-
ing his mother’s family in England, in 1978. He told us in school about
some crazy guys called punks that puked, wore ripped clothes with pins,
had green hair, and insulted the Queen. Such strange natives of exotic
distant lands seemed of interest, as did their resistance to authority. One
day Leonardo invited Diego and me to his house and asked us to stay
because his older sisters where going to have a party and a “punk” was
going to come. With high expectations we stayed late, spying from the
second floor in pajamas until a guy showed up sporting short light hair,
wearing an orange suit, pointed shoes and a tie. He did not have green
hair, ripped clothes, or behave in any recognizable anti-authoritarian
way, but he certainly stood out among the longhaired crowd with jeans
and sneakers. In fact, he was the guy from the record shop close to my
house, where my father used to take his sound system to be fixed. His
name was Guillermo Santamarina. They call him “Tin Larin,” the name
of a popular candy, because his suits looked like the ones worn by the
cartoon characters in their advertisements. They also called him “La Hol-
andesita” (the Dutch girl) because apparently he had spent time in Hol-
land where, according to the legend, he became the first Mexican punk,
or whatever he was.

I used to play baseball in little league and would come back from
training on the bus. I would get off in the San Angel neighborhood in
the South of the City and walk to Yoko Quadrasonic, the record shop
where I would browse at the records and imported magazines. Whenever
I would buy a record, usually recommended by Guillermo, he would
throw in a free skateboard magazine or a Heavy Metal comic book. ‘This
did not happen often because the imported American LP’s cost twice as
much as they would have in the US, and English, Japanese, and other
European records were even more rare and expensive. Rock concerts and
other mass youth events were usually not allowed after the government

of the institutionalized revolution massacred thousands of demonstrat-
ing students in the plaza of Tlatelolco in 1968; jazz and blues concerts
were about as close as it would get. We would go see films of concerts
as if they were the real thing. I remember a memorable screening of
Woodstock in the film club of the national autonomous university where
people danced naked, so stoned they didn’t notice the horrible quality of
the scratched print and the sound.

* * &

‘Ronnie Tampax and the Tampons’ were based on a comic strip |
drew. The name seemed punk but we played blues and Rolling Stones’
covers because we did not know any better. We debuted in an event
at my high school. I could not rehearse my singing properly with the
band because we did not have a microphone. I owned two different re-
corded versions of “Jumping Jack Flash” and in one, it seemed like Jagger
shouted, “Want You” and in the other “Watch it.” My English was very
basic. Confused, I shouted “Watcho” in some kind of Spanglish, embar-
rassing my bilingual band mates. Singing in English (even precariously)
also did not go over particularly well in a high school whose directors had
sympathies with the Communist party, which was full of political exiles
from the military dictatorships in South America. The guitarist, Martin
Garcia Reynoso, who is now well known as a musician in Buenos Aires,
was so embarrassed that he decided not to face the audience and played
backwards. Nevertheless, the aura of rock and roll must be bright and
powerful because even we were able to get some groupies, including a
few precocious intellectual Argentinean girls who had escaped the dicta-
torship with their parents, and my mom, who hated rock.

There was only one rock program on the radio other than the daily
hour of the Beatles and the show featuring Credence Clearwater Revival
(the “Crrreeedens Clearrrwaterrr Rrrrreevival,” according to the DJ). It
was called “El Lado Oscuro de la Luna” (The Dark Side of the Moon)
and it was produced by the then young writer, Juan Villoro, and broad-
cast on public radio. He even translated some lyrics of songs and pub-
lished them as poetry. His program was an oasis in the desert of disco and
bad cumbias that was commercial radio. The pinnacle of the program
was a series called “La Rebelién Gandalla” (The Jerk Rebellion). Finally, I
was able to hear the dissonant cords of the Sex Pistols, The Ramones and
the like. They were the shot of adrenalin that finally made me feel I was
part of a generation and not the nostalgia of my uncles and the Sixties.
My father, who used to play in a Latin American folk band called Los

190 PUNKADEMICS

Folkloristas and loved classical music, worked at the same radio station
broadcasting live concerts by the symphony orchestra. Despite his almost
absolute ignorance and rejection of rock — based on Latin American na-
tionalist and ideological principles — he took me there to meet Villoro.
As a result, I was invited to play my records once or twice! Another, more
unintended consequence of our meeting, was a character in a book of
short stories he later wrote about different generations of rockers: the
character was called “Rubén” and he just so happened to be a punk son
in conflict with parents who were into Latin American folk music.

A couple of blocks from my high school in Colonia, the record shop
‘Hip 70’ organized a burning of disco music records. Kids with leather
jackets, sunglasses, spiky hairdos and shoes imitated an event that hap-
pened elsewhere. The argument was that disco was “fresa” (literally
“strawberry,” a local version of square and yuppie). However, those early
Mexican punk kids were privileged enough to travel in order to import
their style, and they sang in English — stuff like “I want to kill your
mother with my finger tonight,” which was from a song by Illy Bleed-
ing, the singer of the band ‘Size’ and one of the first Mexican punks.
Disco was indeed commercial and its appeal transcended the expensive
international discotheques in Acapulco and Mexico City and reached
populist, massive sound systems in urban streets and rural towns. There
were also some racist overtones for its hatred, considering that disco was
mostly black music.

My friend Miguel told me I had to meet another anarchist artist. I
had to. He introduced me to “El Vox.” Paco Lépez Mordn, known as “El
Vox,” was swimming while wearing a tie in the pool of a suburban house
in the south of the city. His little brothers also had straight long blond
hair and fish faces like him, with the exception of Bernardo, who had
curly dark hair and was better looking. Paco played the organ and did art
with a Dadaist and Surrealist affinity. In fact, he played his experimen-
tal compositions on the organ at one of his brother’s first communions,
scaring the priest and the rest of the family. He was known for doing an
opera in his high school where he released little chicks into the surprised
audience; people ran hysterically, stepping on them. His parents import-
ed Spanish wine and did very well. When the devaluation of the currency

MEXIPUNX 191

was imminent they decided to invest in Canada and bought a hotel in
Mississauga, close to Toronto. Paco married his sweetheart Alejandra,
who was 15 years old, so she could go with him to Canada. There, the
winters and the nights seemed endless.

Paco went beyond punk: his mohawk hairdo was gigantic, he de-
signed his eccentric clothes, got tattooed, wore a lot of make up, and
played in a band called ‘Jesus and the Mutants.’ When they would visit
Mexico during Christmas and the summer, traffic would stop and every-
one would stare into the street or the mall, waiting to see if this unknown
breed of living creatures were hostile. At a party, a drunken older woman
encouraged by her exhibitionist eccentricity decided to undress and mas-
turbate in front of us, before being kicked out. I decided to take photo-
graphs and Super 8 films of these encounters with an old Yashica camera
that belonged to my father. In the hotel, we experimented with the tele-
vision, the lamps and the elevator; the images were grainy and black and
white. In the television images of atomic bombs, poor starving third
world kids and primitivist art appeared as if they were part of the narra-
tive. There is a particular image of Paco and Alejandra, partially blurred
from a long exposure, but sharp in a frozen moment by the flash: they
appear like beautiful strange ghosts in a cheap restaurant in downtown
Mexico City, decorated with a painting of the last supper over a jukebox.
The composition is hieratic and symmetric, and they are drinking a glass
of milk. They seem to fit, and simultaneously be perfectly out of context,

in this version of “Mexican Gothic.”
i

192 PUNKADEMICS

From a roll of film, I printed eight images to meet the number of
photographs required to participate in the biennial of photography. My
knowledge of photography at the time probably came more from album
covers than anywhere else; among my favorites were Patty Smith’s Horses,
shot by Robert Mapplethorpe, and the Rolling Stones’ Exile on Main
Street, with photos by Robert Frank. Those influences were not so bad,
however, some of my printing decisions were: I used contrasting matte
paper thinking its graphic look was more “artistic.”

I won a production grant! It was popular for photojournalists to take
photos of punk kids and disenfranchised youth, but I guess my work
seemed different since I was supposed to be a “tribal member,” producing
some kind of self-representation. My pics, in other words, were not anthro-
pological voyeuristic snitching but, perhaps, the real exhibitionistic thing.
The famous Mexican photographer Graciela Iturbide wanted to meet me.
Were these my fifteen minutes? All ofa sudden I had to really learn how to
make photographs in order to have a solo show. The problem was that my
only “real” punk friend was Paco and, in fact, he just considered himself his
own avant-garde experiment. By that time I had already figured out that
the kids with the leather jackets and thin sunglasses in Mexico — the ones
that took pills and did outrageous things at parties in Mexico City — were
not into the socialist libertarian ideals that led me to them, but rather, into
singing with bad English accents and diverging into new wave, gothic, new
romantic, and other new trends. Meanwhile, poor kids in the outskirts of
Mexico City, in a neighborhood called Santa Fe, robbed a butcher shop to
give steaks to the people. They called themselves the ‘Sex Panchitos.’ Their
lumpenproletariat sense of punk aesthetics involved sniffling glue, doing a
stiff spastic dance, and communicating in an incomprehensible slang that
functioned more like ambient sound than dialogue. The genie had escaped
its frivolous middle class bottle to become a serious infection: I had to find
(or make) the scene.

The equipment came first. With the money from the production
grant I went to New York to buy a Contax camera with a couple of beau-
tiful Zeiss lenses. I stayed in the apartment of my Puerto Rican friends’
grandma in the Bronx. I saw PIL live. Afrika Bambaataa opened the
show by scratching and rapping to an audience that mostly booed, not
realizing the future that Jonny Lydon was already envisioning. Preppy
girls ripped their clothes in the middle of the concert to fit in better with
the crowd. The concert ended when Lydon pushed into the audience one
of the bouncers who was trying to keep kids from diving off the stage.
Then, I went to Toronto to visit Paco and take more photos. He was
studying in the Ontario College of Art, making pornographic silk screens

MEXIPUNX 193

printed on fur; his apartment was an installation and his clothes pieces
of sculpture. Alejandra was bored. Her English was bad and the novelty
of the snow wore out after a few too many cold days. The two of them
were like fish out of the water in Mexico, but these waters were far too
icy. They ended up arguing at the subway station for a long time, while I
sat on the floor as old ladies tried to help me, or ask me what was wrong
with them. I shot photographs of everything I saw, and most often it was
not clear who was the boy or the girl. The Zeiss 28mm was so crisp and
sharp that I could see the thread of the jackets when I enlarged the nega-
tives. Toronto seemed like London or New York and therefore like the
“real” thing. But it was neither.

Mireya was a quiet preppy girl in high school; she was tall and cute
and somehow ended up in Toronto with her divorced mother. She came
to Mexico on vacations but seemed lonely when I met here there. I sug-
gested that she hook up with Paco, explaining that, despite his looks, he
was a nice guy who also had brothers and a wife who were fun. She met
them and started going to all the clubs. By the time I saw her in Toronto
she had turned into a skinhead and appeared drunk as she gave the finger

to my camera.

Back in Mexico, I went out one Sunday with my family to have lunch.
When we returned, the door of the house was open and the windows of
the bathroom broken. Things were all over the floor. Since there were
not many valuable things in my house, I went running upstairs fearing
the worst. The camera was gone. The fast 28mm wide-angle and the even
faster 50mm Zeiss lenses were both missing, reminding me of how taxes
are often paid in the third world. With a sense of anger and a borrowed
Nikon, I started going to parties and looking for gigs.

Juan Carlos Lafontaine and his brother Mario lived in the middle
class southern suburb of Villa Coapa. Their Catholic mom kept the
house impeccably clean; the decoration was elegant in its kitsch. Juan
Carlos dressed in black like a priest, had an architectonic postmodern
hairdo painted cold black, wore sunglasses, and played the synths. Mario
dressed in colorful drag with funky wigs, pop necklaces, and glasses. He
was a fabulous soul singer. Both were uniquely chubby and wore make
up. Together, they were the unlikely, legendary duet, ‘Maria Bonita.’
Their roundness made them also known as “las toronjas” (the grape-
fruit). Juan Carlos would pull his brother onto the stage with chains
as Mario crawled, claiming that he was so fat he could not walk. The

194 PUNKADEMICS

Botero painting-like scene and the bizarre performance included sexual-
ized, perverted versions of well-known lullabies and children’s songs by
Cri Cri, in Spanish. If there’s no possibility to commercialize your music,
get radio play, or breakout of a scene that is destined to be underground,
then you might as well be as provocative as you want.

By the time I met them, the band was splitting due to irreconcilable
aesthetic differences. Juan Carlos was into gothic and electronic music
and Mario into soul and high energy. Both were promising stars of an
advertising industry that could take advantage of their talents, informa-
tion, and sensibilities in a palatable and superficial way. They were excel-
lent draftsmen, in a pop manga way, and earned good money making
trendy ads for soda and car companies. They spent it on equipment,
fashion, toys, books and records. They were incredibly sensitive to style.
For Judn Carlos, politics were fashion. Industrial and gothic music made
him interested in black uniforms and constructivism: a confusion of fas-
cist and socialist visuals. My idealist positions became relevant to him, in
relation to the image of his new band, since their industrial sounds called
for a “socialist” look. He imagined me in suspenders, knickerbockers,
a long-sleeve undershirt with buttons, steel-toed boots, a shaved head,
and old circular frame glasses. Despite my still limited musical skills, if 1
could be that and hold a bass, then I had a band. Alejandra and Rosalba
were friends of my sister and a bit intellectual: Rosalba studied English
literature, and Alejandra architecture. For Judn Carlos, that meant el-
egant dark dresses and sculptural hairdos with shaved designs that would
hopefully imply celestial voices. So, with his 3 human models (or props?)
and the addition of Carlos Garcia (a keyboard player with some experi-
ence) the band, ‘Das Happy,’ was ready to appear on television. Was it?
It seems it was, because it did.

Juan Carlos did not speak English but was convinced it was not
necessary. He thought that his accessories, his precise clothes, and his
hairdo could immediately communicate with Siouxsie (yes, the one from
Siouxsie and the Banshees) if only she saw him on the street. He imag-
ined England as a place filled with people like him: a place where he
could be understood. There was no way to explain that it was also a
conservative place, with old ladies drinking tea, ruled by the Tories and
Margaret Thatcher.

The center of the underground scene became the ‘Disco Bar 9,’ a gay
bar in the relatively eccentric Zona Rosa neighborhood. On Thursdays,

MEXIPUNX 195

they had cultural activities and events sponsored by a magazine called La
PusModerna. Before 11PM, some cheap ethylic substance mixed with
Coke was served free so that people would get loaded early to ease the
acceptability of culture and lust. Most bands played there at some point,
and performances also ranged from boxing matches to avant-garde ex-
periments. Bodies slammed, covered in sweat around the “pomo” deco-
ration. I was hired by the magazine to document the scene and in a little
room I made some portraits. I still wonder how this place was so excep-
tionally tolerated. North of the city, the only real punk bar opened up:
it was called Tutti Frutti and was owned by a tall Belgium hardcore guy
named Danny and his girlfriend, Brisa. He had a big hairdo that made
him look like a palm tree. He liked The Cramps. The place had a cool
jukebox and was decorated with toy cars on the wall. We had to drive far
to get there and after a wild night it was even harder to drive back.
Eventually the punk thing mutated more than it faded out. Some
trends even seemed to make sense locally. Ska, for example, blended with
a Pachuco revival: the guys from ‘“Maldita Vecindad’ sported some kind
of a contemporary version of zoot suits at their gigs. I was painting more
at the time when I figured out that the whole subculture was just becom-
ing culture, and that we were somewhere else. What happened with these

people?

LIFE IS SHORT

For some it was. I remember a girl being arrested after smashing a

glass bottle into the face of an important military man’s daughter. Pepe

Guadalajara, the singer of a band called “Los Casuals’ had to go to New

York to be able to score some smack and self destroy. Thirty years later

it would not be necessary, since globalization has made the product not
only available but locally produced for export.

AND THEN YOU DIE.

Beautiful Colombina was a goddess. With her thick lips and dark
skin she looked like a voluptuous actress from a 1940s Mexican black
and white movie, and dressed the part. Dancing late at night in the club,
I pretended to eat the Rohypnol she gave me, thinking that I didn’t need
the aid of a catalyzer to let myself be abused by her. When we got to her

196 PUNKADEMICS

apartment and her friend Luis Carlos wanted to join us, I figured out the
reason for the pill. Last I heard, she was going out with a drug dealer in
Cancun who shot her to death.

Others survived for the better: Guillermo Santamarina “Tin Larin”
was, until recently, the curator of the Museum of Contemporary Art of
the National University in Mexico. Even after helping a lot of artists he
still buys records, dresses sharp, and tries hard to reject an establishment
where he reluctantly belongs. Paco “El Vox” left Canada and went to
Spain with his family. He played in a psychedelic band produced by Mal-
colm McLaren, called ‘On,’ that was never really distributed. Eventually,
he became “Professor Angel Dust” in Barcelona and organized legendary
parties in a club called La Paloma. He recorded and produced some kind
of Latin hip hop and dance music with other well known acts like La
Mala Rodriguez. I did a cover design and a video for him.

Paco’s story seems to have a sad ending but hopefully it is not the end-
ing. He was invited to DJ in Panama and on the way back home — with
his beautiful African wife, Kene Wang Nowka, and his little baby daugh-
ter — they were caught trying to sneak four kilograms of blow through
the airport. Considering that nowadays you cannot even get past security
with a tube of toothpaste, this had to be one of the stupidest things
one could attempt. To no avail, Paco tried to tell the Central American
law that they were framed; he said they were threatened by some mugs
who followed them with guns and told them that the security guards
were bribed, and would let them pass. But they were arrested and their
daughter was taken away. They were given eight years. At least now, time
passes a little faster with cell phones and access to the Internet. Paco
recently released a track that featured his wife singing over the phone; it
is some kind of tragic Caribbean funeral march that he produced with
a computer. The monitor of his laptop is now the window from his cell.

Juan Carlos Lafontaine is now Mateo Lafontaine and “Decada2’ ex-
ists somewhere in the pixels of MySpace. Through the web, he looks
younger and more handsome than twenty years ago. The most success-
ful ones, though, were certainly not the eccentrics and the radicals that
I felt compelled to photograph. Satil Hernandez dropped out of high
school to be a rock star, which seemed like foolish career suicide since
there were no rock radio stations, or even places to perform. He used
to play corny progressive rock that most of us heard with contempt; he
told a story of giving Robert Fripp a demo tape of his band and he was

MEXIPUNX 197

then convinced that King Crimson had copied him. Somehow his band,
‘Caifanes’ (which later became ‘Jaguares’) became an improbable hit that
made rock music in Spanish a popular reality. In fact, Robert Fripp even
opened for them in Los Angeles.

The most unlikely case of fame came from an annoying kid from the
Communist party who used to rat on the stoners and gays in high school:
two groups whose actions were considered serious offenses according to
the orthodox morals of the Principals this kid befriended. His name was
Gabriel but we used to call him “El Pajaro” (the bird) because he liked
“El Pajarito” Cortés Sanchez, a famous player from Club América, his
favorite soccer team. His father was a muralist painter that worked with
Siqueiros and had the same last names of Orozco and Rivera, but with-
out any relation to those famous muralists. Gabriel was a soccer jock
with artistic pretensions and wanted to do a social realist mural in the
school. Later, he dated the daughter of a local corrupt politician and it
seemed he would become an official cultural bureaucrat or artist. What
no one would have ever imagined is that, after being ignored by the local
galleries and the emerging art scene, Gabriel would move to New York
to reinvent himself in the total opposite direction. All of a sudden he had
solo show in the Museum of Modern Art in New York. His ambiguous,
post-conceptual gestures became an inoffensive and acceptable antith-
esis of the Mexican School, and easy to export: the empty signifiers that
passed for indecipherable concepts became hot commodities in the times
of NAFTA. The commercial, modern and international qualities of his
work made it ideal to officially represent the culture of the conservative
neoliberal government that replaced the old ruling party of the institu-
tionalized revolution.

And You May Find Yourself Living In A Shotgun Shack
And You May Find Yourself In Another Part Of The World
And You May Find Yourself Behind The Wheel Of A Large
Automobile

And You May Find Yourself In A Beautiful House, With A
Beautiful Wife

And You May Ask Yourself: Well... How Did I Get Here?

And as for me, I came to the land of Love and Rockets. | have not
found my rocket yet, but I did find love. Echo Park in Los Angeles is

198 PUNKADEMICS

my Hoppers. Maggie, Hopey, and my cousin, Speedy Ortiz, are fictional
characters from a comic strip but they seem as real and as close to my
friends and family as anything I ever saw in a representation. They would
reveal to me that in a city without a center, there cannot be a periphery.
The sectarian divisions of my youth that separated musical and artistic
genres collapsed in Los Angeles where, since the beginning, The Plugz
were recording anarchist versions of “La Bamba.” Heavy metal and punk
also mix and, together with hip hop, can form an unlikely artsy/radical/
political vehicle like Rage Against the Machine. Here in LA, the sounds
of my father’s band are still remembered and are not a source of shame
anymore as they blend with the twang of the Fender Telecaster, the blast
of the sax, and the ageless tempo of rockabilly. Los Lobos music sounds
better with time, like a good wine.

There were no conditions for the punk scene in Mexico to be any-
thing but underground and, because of that, it often produced extreme
things: it simply could not “sell out.” The problem today is not selling
out but to not be bought in the first place. According to the liner notes
of the record Cruising With Ruben and the Jets, Ruben Sano declared in
1955: “The present day Pachuco refuses to die!”

The present-day punk also refuses to die!

Style is not created or destroyed, it just transforms.

PUNKADEMICS

200

201

MEXIPUNX

BRIAN TUCKER

PUNK PLACES:

THE ROLE OF SPACE IN
SUBCULTURAL LIFE

WALKING UP TO it, the house blended into the neighborhood, which
was a collection of slightly worn rental properties, early 20 century row
houses, and a few private residences. White paint chipping off the wood
siding, an old Pontiac, taken up permanent residence in the yard sur-
rounded by weeds, and several current and former gardening projects
behind the car greeted anyone approaching. Bikes were seemingly strewn
everywhere, attached to every conceivable spot one could conceivably
lock up to. The porch had seen better days; its screens fraying in various
stages of disrepair and it was filled with five gallon containers that were
used to ferry food to and from Saturday Food Not Bombs lunches, as
well as various bike parts, recycling bins, and gardening tools.

There were usually eight or so permanent residents who had rooms
of their own and a collection of traveling punks, activists, and couch
surfers who would come and go. If a gathering or convention were in
town, people would be crashing everywhere; one might step over several
people going from one room to another. Weekday mornings there would
be small children playing and running through the house, several people
living there provided babysitting for friends. Friday nights punks would
come over and cook for Food Not Bombs the next day, the living room
would be filled with people chopping vegetables, the two kitchens both
brimming with people cooking vegan food, chatting, and drinking beer.

The walls were littered with art projects of housemates and the kids
we babysat, flyers for shows in town, and an assortment of maps, post-
cards, and notes from visitors. In the downstairs kitchen there was a
chore sign up sheet, which would at times provoke house meetings that

204 PUNKADEMICS

could go late into the night. There were two ancient videogame consoles
in the living room. Which, incidentally, was the only room in the house
that hadn't been converted into a bedroom, the procurement of these was
a mystery; there were rumors, but all we could get out of the interested
parties was that they were ‘re-appropriated.’

My bedroom, which I couldn't afford on my own and therefore had
to sublet my bed to another housemate in favor of the couch, doubled
as the house library. It had originally been a dining room that opened
into the kitchen and the living room, so there were flattened cardboard
boxes duct-taped to the doorway to section it off from the living room,
and a throw rug hanging off the doorway to the kitchen. In our happier
moments, we'd claim that privacy was bourgeois; at other times we'd just
grumble as people drifted in and out. Two piles of clothes sat under the
loft, one mine and the other my roommate’s, both of us having neglected
to ever buy a dresser.

The basement was full of science experiments; there were several
home-brewing aficionados living in the house who had taken it over af-
ter we decided we'd no longer be having punk shows down there. In a
house where getting the dishes washed would provoke a four hour-long
meeting regarding the politics of housework; none of us really wanted
to hash out who would have to clean up afterwards. Anyway, we were
the activist house in town and there were two other punk houses that
focused primarily around holding punk shows.

At the time, our house was the headquarters for Food Not Bombs,
Columbus Copwatch, and a splinter faction of Anti-Racist Action. Sev-
eral book clubs and sundry other organizations held meetings in our
living room as well. Columbus, while having a fairly sizable punk scene
at the time for a city its size, couldn't support its own meeting place or
punk-run music venue, so most radical activism or DIY activities took
place in someone’s home. House decisions were made using consensus
based. procedures in weekly house meetings. The house itself served to
dissolve distinctions between public and private life; it was a home, a
meeting place, and a site of politics. It was a means by which we could,
at least in limited ways, live our politics and experience the possibilities
of alternative ways of organizing ourselves.

If one takes seriously a notion that practices at least inform, if not
constitute, political subjects, it follows that one must take the politics of
place and spaces seriously; if politics are embodied and immanent, then
where these practices take place potentially facilitates, colors, or discour-
ages actions. Wendy Brown, calling for feminist political spaces, writes,
“Our spaces, while requiring some definition and protection, cannot be

PUNK PLACES 205

clean, sharply bounded, disembodied, or permanent: to engage post-
modern modes of power and honor specifically feminist knowledges,
they must be heterogeneous, roving, relatively non-institutionalized,
and democratic to the point of exhaustion.”! This conception of political
spaces need not be exclusively feminist, it may facilitate the develop-
ment of democratic citizens more broadly. In Participation and Demo-
cratic Theory, Carol Pateman links the expansion of sites of participatory
democratic practices to the creation of a more engaged and empowered
citizenry.? Margaret Kohn, writing in Radical Space, claims, “Political
spaces facilitate change by creating a distinctive place to develop new
identities and social, symbolic, and experiential dimensions of space.
‘Transformative politics comes from separating, juxtaposing, and recom-
bining these dimensions.”?

The desire to create places, whether they are bounded in physical
space by walls or formed by the collections of people whose temporary
association creates a provisional sense of place (within an already coded
space), is an under-theorized aspect of subcultural studies. Sartorial re-
sistance to hegemony has a dual function; it is both an expression of
dissent and the creation of sites of resistance that bring together resistant
subjects in a given location in time and space. According to Yi-Fu Tuan,
“Space is transformed into place as it acquires definition and meaning.”4
Punks, whether at shows, in their homes, or through inhabiting other
spaces, create places for themselves within liberal or capitalist spaces. A
punk show transforms a rented room at the local YMCA or VFW hall
into a punk place: a site of conviviality, of contestation and of the dis-
semination of ideas. And just as familiarity turns a collection of homes
and businesses into a neighborhood, the sight of punks hanging out,
the sounds of bands playing, and even the layout of merch tables one
sees upon entering the show, also function to transform space into punk
place. Punk places create, transform, and strengthen punks as political
subjects; they are the spaces in which, it is hoped, one also feels comfort-
able and safe to express one’s self.

THINKING SPATIALLY

But what exactly are we studying when we consider space? David
Harvey offers three categories of space and space-time: Absolute (which
describes relatively static things existing in the world), Relative (which de-
scribes the movement of a thing through space and time), and Relational
(in which time and space become inseparable).* These three categories are
utilized primarily to describe material phenomena and offer little in the

206 PUNKADEMICS

way of explaining less tangible phenomena like feelings or experiences. But
when mapped onto the “tripartite division of experienced, conceptualized
and lived space,” his definitions allow for more precision when describing
space.° For example, one could describe a show taking place at a VFW hall
(the intersection of absolute and material space), the experience or feeling
one gets by inhabiting that space (absolute spaces and spaces of represen-
tation), touring networks that brought a band to the show (relative and
material), the feeling one gets traveling to or from the show (relative and
lived), as well as the memories of past shows as they color the present (rela-
tional and lived). This approach enables one to think about spaces and the
ways in which one experiences them dialectically, with each combination
leading to many different possible outcomes.

I want to emphasize this dialectical relationship between punk be-
haviors, places and practices to disrupt trends in cultural studies that
are over-committed to textual readings of subcultures (and their spaces).
As Henri Lefebvre warns, reading space textually excludes the actual ex-
perience of inhabiting the world; it reduces “space itself to the status of
a message, and the inhabiting of it to the status of a reading. This is to
evade both history and practice.”’ However, the textual analysis of punk
is not to be dismissed entirely, for it provides tools useful for discerning
the ways in which visual signifiers define or limit spaces, as well as a
means for identifying the sorts of discourses deployed in the creation of
a given space. Lefebvre’s conceptualization of social space offers a useful
framework for analysis:

(Social) space is not a thing among other things, nor a
product among other products: rather, it subsumes things
produced, and encompasses their interrelationships in their
coexistence and simultaneity — their (relative) order and/or
(relative) disorder. It is the outcome of a sequence and set
of operations, and thus cannot be reduced to the rank of

a simple object...Itself the outcome of past actions, social
space is what permits fresh actions to occur, while suggest-
ing others and prohibiting yet others.®

The advantage to treating space as more than a ‘thing’ is that it leaves
open the possibility of transformation; changes in social attitudes, poli-
tics, economics and technology all have the potential to change the ways
in which space is produced, defined and inhabited. This approach also
allows one to posit that space is constitutive of political subjects; the
practices of subjects are at least partially contingent upon the spaces in

PUNK PLACES 207

which they take occur. If those practices are in some way subject-making,
place has a role to play in its facilitation of actions.

It is also worth considering two changes in the ways we experience
space and place in contemporary America, inasmuch as they shape the
resistant nature of punk subculture in its relationships with spatiality.
First are the ways in which information technologies have changed both
the ways we experience and the ways we act in space. Joshua Meyrowitz,
combining the insights of McLuhan and Goffman in No Sense of Place,
contends that electronic media like radio and television have radically
diminished the role of physical space in modern life. Second, Margaret
Kohn argues that the increasing privatization of public places, from the
commons to the shopping mall, have diminished democratic possibilities
in the U.S. Punk can be considered a reaction to both phenomena, in a
way making a rather conservative move toward a reconstruction of place
and the public sphere.

In “Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” Walter Benjamin
posits a connection between the effect of art and the means by which it
is produced; new technologies enabled the mass production of works of
art which served to change the ways in which it is experienced. Joshua
Meyrowitz takes this argument a step further, arguing that the ways in
which we experience the world are in part contingent upon communica-
tions technologies. Print, radio, television, and the Internet have progres-
sively shrunk the world and changed the ways we live in it. The world
is at our fingertips from inside the home, which dissolves hard and fast
divisions between the public and private spheres. Since we need not exit
the private sphere to access the public, the need to move physically into
a public sphere is diminished. Meyrowitz writes, “electric media affect
social behavior-not through the power of their messages buy by reor-
ganizing the social settings in which people interact and by weakening
the once strong relationship between physical place and social ‘place.””®
Electronic media collapses distances in absolute/material space, leading
to changes in the ways we experience those places and distances in rela-
tional/lived spaces. This collapse of real and represented space and time is
accelerated with each advance and technology; absolute space is rendered
smaller and smaller until it is accessible in representational forms in its
entirety within the home. One need never leave the home to experience
the world, or at least to experience it as simulacrum, “Places visited for
the first time now look familiar if they (or places like them) have already
been seen on television. And places that were once very different are
now more similar because nearly every place has a television set, radio,
and telephone.”!° In some ways, this could be seen as a victory of the

208 PUNKADEMICS

Enlightenment, our abstracted selves now have access to the entirety of
the world without ever having to leave the private sphere. Experience
becomes divorced from material reality, or at least altered by it in such a
way as to negate the necessity for physical interaction with it.

In Brave New Neighborhoods, Margaret Kohn similarly argues that
public spaces that once fostered democratic subjects are being replaced
by private spaces fostering private subjects, not through any act of the
state but by the logic of capital:

The technology of the automobile, the expansion of the fed-
eral highway system, and the growth of residential suburbs
has changed the way Americans live. Today the only place
that many Americans encounter strangers is in the shopping
mall. The most important public place is now private.'!

Access to these new privatized public spaces is often contingent upon
one’s ability to pay, or at least to appear as one able or willing to pay, to
enter, “The private sector may be able to provide social spaces but it is
unable to provide public spaces, for example, places where all citizens can
come together...As long as entrepreneurs sell collective goods at market
prices there will be market segmentation based on ability to pay.” Priva-
tized spaces segregate along class (and other) lines, providing not just
goods for sale but also a sense of place in which one’s comfort is predi-
cated upon the absence of the Other. The privatization of public spaces
stunts the growth of a polity and shifts the goal of public life from critical
engagement with one’s neighbors to comfort provided by insularity:

Public space strengthens a democratic polity by providing
a forum for dissenting views. But public space has another
equally significant, albeit more illusive, effect. It influences
the way that we are constituted as subjects and the way

we identify with others. The privatization of public space
narrows our sensibility by diminishing the opportunities to
encounter difference."

Emboldened by the collapse of space facilitated by electronic media,
it seems that citizens are more and more willing to accept mediated rep-
resentations of the Other than to leave their insulated world and meet
such people face to face.

Punk, to a certain extent, is a reaction to the changes in space and
place that Meyrowitz and Kohn write about. As a youth subculture,

PUNK PLACES 209

historically, it lacked the capital to utilize effectively a great deal of elec-
tronic mass media, aside from the occasional pirate radio station or pub-
lic access TV show.'* The emphasis was face-to-face punk communities
also privileged geographical difference insofar as the lack of a homog-
enizing technology facilitated different scenes in different locations; it
was a source of pride, or at least a point of interest, that different scenes
produced different bands, zines and fashions, each with particular histo-
ties, politics and styles.!° The DC sound is different from mid-western
emo, which is different from New York Hardcore, and so on. The ritual
of going to a punk show also underscores the myriad reasons why place
matters and how physical spaces reassert themselves within subcultural
experience. Narratives of attending shows often focus in some way on
a sense of place, and most notably, how it is cultivated through specific
spatial rites of passage that might be invisible to outsiders. For example,
punks located in the suburbs or rural areas and must often travel to a city
for shows, and the journey itself becomes a crucial part of ‘the show’:

Once we got to Philly, we switched trains to head to the
Northeast, getting off at the Margaret/Orthodox stop in
Frankford. We had no idea where we were going, blindly
following all the other punks into some uncharted territory
far from home. It wasn’t until the mid-90’s that I figured
out where the hell this place really was."

One could also point to the experience of entering a show space for
17 Tn these and other
ways, punk is an attempt to re-establish a sense of place, to create both a

the first time and seeing “the turmoil of ‘da pit

feeling of home and a space for contestation and self-expression.
Indeed, what struck me about my first show was not the music, but
this sense of place. I could listen to records at home but the show pro-
vided a space for me to meet the sorts of people I wasn’t about to en-
counter in the rural/suburban town where I was then living. In between
sets, kids huddled around merch tables, buying zines and records from
the bands themselves. The front stage/back stage distinction was virtu-
ally non-existent since we were in a YMCA, and at most DIY shows,
there wasn’t a stage at all; the band and the crowd shared the same space.
At larger shows or fests, which often necessitate the rental of an actual
concert venue, bands often still opt to play on the floor with the audi-
ence.'® In this way, the punk show is a phenomenon quite different from
other performative arts; the music itself was often not the most impor-
tant thing going on, though it was certainly the catalyst for bringing

210 PUNKADEMICS

people together. One might be just as attracted to the ad hoc market
place of merch tables (depending on the size of the show), and at fests
there might be classes on DIY home brewing, self-defense, political orga-
nizing, or anarchist decision-making structures.

These spaces, however, are still in a way ‘private.’ Although anyone is
allowed to enter, punk is a largely white, male, straight, and middle class
subculture; those belonging to a different social group often do not feel
particularly welcome. Further, since these spaces are also based around
punk music, and therefore still follow the logic of market segmentation,
people with little interest in loud music would probably not ever con-
sider attending. But punk is not attempting to reconstruct the public
sphere, rather, it creates spaces where at least some people can experience
something that they feel resembles a community: a sense of place.

HETEROTOPIAS

It is my contention that punk places can be seen as heterotopias of
resistance that function as sites of subject-constituting knowledges and
practices; not as firm structures outside dominant power, but as ad hoc
shelters in which members of a subculture can experience some sem-
blance of freedom. The heterotopia, according to Michel Foucault is “a
sort of place that lies outside all places and yet is actually localizable...
it has the power of juxtaposing in a single real place different spaces and
locations that are incompatible with each other.””? Foucault’s rather am-
biguous notion of heterotopia eludes normative claims involved in con-
ceptualizing liberatory spaces; he uses cemeteries, gardens, motel rooms,
brothels, and colonies as examples. The heterotopia is divorced from any
one partisan goal, left or right, but he sees it as, “the greatest reserve of
imagination for our civilization...where it is lacking, dreams dry up, ad-
venture is replaced by espionage, and privateers by the police.””” Marga-
ret Kohn builds on Foucault’s idea in defining a heterotopia of resistance
as a place that exists as, “a real countersite that inverts and contests exist-
ing economic or social hierarchies. Its function is social transformation
rather than escapism, containment, or denial.””! Like the autonomous
socialist spaces Kohn describes in Italy, punk places contain possibilities
unexpressed or impossible in current modes of living. This conception of
heterotopia allows one to reconcile the ways in which spaces can at once
be resistant and in some ways and at the same time remain sites of power,
exclusion, and normalization. Power never disappears; the gaps we take
shelter in might shield us from certain discourses but not others. It is in
this way that the concept of heterotopia seems most compelling; it allows

PUNK PLACES 211

greater precision in describing spaces and their relative value as sites of
resistance. It also points out those small moments, which may not seem
ostensibly political, when politics are connected to everyday practices.”
Heterotopias of resistance connect politics with the everyday practic-
es and real spaces, and they also provide the back stages and shelters that
dissident knowledges and discourses require.”? In addition, they allow
not only for the communication of such knowledges, but their develop-
ment as well. “Paying close attention to political acts that are disguised
or offstage,” Kohn argues, “helps us to map a realm of possible dissent...
practical forms of resistance as well as the values that might, if condi-
tions permitted, sustain more dramatic forms of rebellion.” Punk is,
in its own way, a site of dissident knowledges and practices that stand in
resistance to the culture industry and dominant order. The culture indus-
try, deploying modern marketing techniques and demographic studies,
attempts to be everything to everyone, a move not only toward aesthetic
homogenization but also toward a disciplining of bodies and knowl-
edges to create desirable subjects. Punk places facilitate what Foucault
calls popular knowledges, those particular, local, disqualified knowledges
(whether progressive or reactionary) that may stand in opposition to
dominant generalizable discourses and claims on universal truths.”

A PUNK PLACE: 924 GILMAN

Punk places tend not to last long; punks come and go and typically
wreck the place. There are a few that have weathered the storm for more
than a few years, including the Dischord house (home of Dischord re-
cords), ABC No Rio (a venue in New York City), and 924 Gilman St.
(a collectively run venue in Berkeley, California). For those of us punks
in the Midwest, trying desperately to create and maintain scenes and
spaces, 924 Gilman was a model, an inspiration, and a glimmer of hope.
It was not only a punk space that managed to survive, but to survive by
following its own rules.

Started in 1986 by Maximumrocknroll creator and editor Tim Yohan-
non, 924 Gilman has survived several battles with local businesses, the
city government, various skinheads and malcontents, a hostile social and
political climate, and gentrification. It has remained constant through
changes in style, in politics, in its volunteer staff and attendees, and it
also survived the pop-punk boom in the early 90’s that took place within
its walls; it was once home to popular bands like Green Day and Rancid.
It was often a site of internecine conflict within the scene, fights about
what counted as punk, fights about politics, inclusion, and exclusion.

212 PUNKADEMICS

Its association with MRR also meant that punks across the country, and
the world, would often read about the most mundane details of day-to
day-operations, petty arguments between staff members, and plenty of
gossip.

American punk and hardcore was in the doldrums in 1986, the year
924 Gilman opened. Citing an increasingly routinized, apolitical scene,
Yohannon argued for a reinjection of the political into punk:

When I leave a show, I want my brain and imagination to
be as exercised as my body. That would be really radical.
Lyrics and good intentions aren't enough. It’s time for a
whole new front, a humorous, biting, multidimensional,
and imaginative way to confront our society — right there at
the show. If gigs are boring and staid, redefine them and it'll
rejuvenate punk. It’s the dimension we've all been wanting
— not a whole new form of music, but a whole new way of
delivering it.”

Yohannon eventually gave up control over Gilman, leading to a pro-
cession of different owners, but much has stayed the same. The space
would not book racist, misogynist, or homophobic bands or tolerate
such behaviors from those attending, though it should be noted that
this rule often had the effect of depoliticizing the space and hamper-
ing those who felt that such injunctions did little to address less visible
forms of discrimination within the scene. If someone could not afford
to pay the door price for the show, they were allowed in at a reduced
rate if they agreed to work in some capacity during or after the show.
Perhaps most importantly, Gilman St. rules and practices were decided
by democratically-run meetings at which any member could attend and
participate.” Taking part in meetings served as training in participatory
democratic decision-making — something that is increasingly hard to
find in a market-driven liberal order — and they were also immortal-
ized in punk culture itself. The Mr. T Experience is among thousands of
punks who have paid tribute to 924 Gilman St:

If you've got nothing better to do

there’s a meeting every Sunday afternoon
you can make a speech

you can rant you can rave you can preach
at Gilman Street it’s democracy

it’s just one big family

PUNK PLACES 213

it’s a bunch of geeks

it’s a load of freaks

it’s a club it’s a place it’s a thing
it’s Gilman Street.?8

CONCLUSION

Popular culture within liberal democracies plays a significant role in
constituting political subjects, though it functions slightly differently
from other sites of power relations. Because it constantly desires the new
and the novel to be incorporated and commodified into mainstream
culture, it also expands and creates more gaps and shelters within its
domain. It is this, in part, that allows for subcultural spaces to emerge,
and for some of these houses, garages, warehouses, rented VF Ws and
parking lots to actually become places and, occasionally, heterotopias of
resistance.

Punk places provide a shelter from the more homogenizing aspects
of capital. They are sites within the dominant order that simultaneously
function as glimpses of different ways of living. They operate in such a
way as to unify, at times, disparate activities into modes and practices of
resistance. 924 Gilman is just one example of a punk place that empha-
sizes both the ways that culture is done (not just spoken or represented),
and also the ways in which people might live out possibilities unavailable
to them in dominant culture.

NOTES

1 Wendy Brown, States of Injury (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press,
1995), p. 50.

2 Carol Pateman, Participation and Democratic Theory (New York: Cam-
bridge University Press).

3 Margaret Kohn, Radical Space: Building the House of the People (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), p. 4.

4 Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota
Press, 1977), p. 136.

5 David Harvey, “Space as a Key Word,” Spaces of Global Capitalism: To-
wards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development (New York: Verso,
2006), p. 121-125.

Ibid., p. 133.
Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 1991),
p. 7.

214

23

24

PUNKADEMICS

Ibid., p. 73.

Joshua Meyrowitz, No Sense of Place (New York: Oxford University Press,
1985), p. ix.

Ibid., p. 125.

Kohn, Brave New Neighborhoods: The Privatization of Public Space (New
York: Routledge, 2004), p. 70.

Ibid., p. 196.

Ibid., p. 201.

This has changed since the late 90’s, the Internet has begun to act as a
homogenizing force in the punk scene and has changed the need for
physical places to a limited extent; the centrality of the punk show to the
punk scene having somewhat mitigated a total change in the scene. It is
yet unclear what the long term effects the internet will have on the scene,
though it is at least in part blamed for the increasing difficulties of punk
print publications.

Alan O’Connor, “Local Scenes and Dangerous Crossroads: Punk and
Theories of Cultural Hybridity,” Popular Music, Vol. 21, No. 2 (2002):
225-236.

Bull Gervasi, “Land of Hope and Glory,” in ed. Chris Duncan, My First
Time: A Collection of First Punk Show Stories (Oakland, CA: AK Press,
2007), p. 80.

Joseph A. Gervasi, “Clenched Fists, Open Eyes: My First Punk Show,” in
ed. Chris Duncan, My First Time: A Collection of First Punk Show Stories
(Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2007), p. 55.

“Fest,” short for festival, is typically a weekend-long series of shows at one
location featuring anywhere from fifteen to thirty bands. Fora large fest,
punks often travel cross-country.

Foucault, “Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias,” in ed. Neil
Leach, Rethinking Architecture: A Reader in Cultural Theory (New York:
Routledge, 1997), pp. 352 and 354.

Ibid.

Ibid.

In her description of Italian houses of the people, Kohn writes: “Part of
the political effectiveness of the house of the people was precisely to make
the most basic elements of social life, such as drinking a glass of wine
in company, into an act of identification with socialism, at least in the
broader sense of a popular movement for economic change and political
inclusion of the working classes.” Ibid., p. 94.

James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance (New Haven CT:
Yale University Press, 1990).

Ibid., p. 20.

25

26

27
28

PUNK PLACES 215

Michel Foucault, “Two Lectures,” in ed. Colin Gordon, Power/Knowl-
edge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 (New York: Pan-
theon, 1980), p. 82.

Tim Yohannon, “Column, Dec. 1986,” in ed. Brian Edge, 924 Gilman:
The Story So Far (San Francisco: Maximumrocknroll, 2004), p. 7.

Edge, 924 Gilman, pp. 375-377.

Mr. T Experience, “At Gilman St.,” Big Black Bugs Bleed Blue Blood
(Rough Trade, 1989), EP.

MIMI THI NGUYEN

AFTERWORD

I STILL TELL this story: punk rock saved my life. In fact, I can easily trace
my intellectual, political genealogies through this punk story, since it was
my first issue of Maximumrocknroll (found in an “alternative” boutique
called The Black Cat in downtown San Diego) that introduced me to
the semi-covert wars of the Cold War United States, wars engaged on
behalf of “freedom,” by way of columnist Jane Guskin of the Gilman
Street project Yeastie Girlz. A decade later, and during my own tenure
as a shitworker at Maximumrocknroll, | began to write about the gift of
freedom as a medium and metaphor for the workings of liberal empire.
While in graduate school, I graded undergraduate essays while green-
taping records for the immense Maximum archive, and carried Michel
Foucault and dissertation chapters in my beat-up bag to punk shows.!
Now, I start classes with the cacophonous music of Trash Kit and The
Younger Lovers, to get us dancing (literally maybe, figuratively yes) to a
fierce and joyful beat. As with so many of the contributors to this col-
lection, punk absolutely shapes who I am as an academic in forms and
feelings both notable, and still unfathomable.

At the same time, I also observe a wary distance from academic stud-
ies of punk — Sex Pistols, so what? As Zack Furness catalogs so thoroughly
in his introductory essay, the queries are often so narrow and so conjec-
tural as to tell me nothing about the scene I know to be a discordant clus-
ter of promises, forms of actions, feelings, events, and missing persons.
I am also suspicious of claims that academic study “legitimizes” punk,
somehow. Punk doesn’t need legitimacy, since legitimacy can so often
mean disciplining an object, and its normalization; as an academic object
of study, legitimacy implies passage through hierarchical fields of inquiry
via evaluation, classification, and other administrative-bureaucratic mea-
sures (high art versus “low” art).? Moreover, there ave punk historians,
punk archivists, and punk theorists who operate without the academy
to trace threads of continuity, compile thorough records, and question

218 PUNKADEMICS

agreed-upon stories about race, gender, and sexuality. These are two rea-
sons I have been reluctant in my own work to take punk as an object
of study: I do not want to participate in its assimilation into something
like capital (an “exotic” object traded for exchange in the academy), or a
canon (not least because punk is such a sprawl), and I reject the idea that
punk is not itself'a scene for the rigorous production of knowledge. This
is not to say that I don’t believe good scholarship can be produced, or
that non-punks can’t be its producers (punks can be crap scholars too),
but that I am all too aware that punk is an unwieldy object of study.

And so, as academic (and popular) studies of punk proliferate now,
I rarely recognize myself in such studies, even when these studies invoke
my name as an object of study. In the last decade, we have been witness
to appeals and attempts to remember, record, and even to revive riot
grrrl circulating throughout punk and academic cultures. The zines I
wrote, or edited, appear often in these studies, and it is often a surprise
to me what unfolds from these critical labors about these zines, about
me. I understand this, in some measure — as scholars, we often consider
(and perhaps suspend) our objects in the times and places we find them,
emerging from an assemblage of moving parts (histories, economies, dis-
courses). And in doing so, we treat with our objects and the circuits these
travel apart from authors, or intents. So I know well that the things we
make — zines, musics, fliers, events, our bodies in becoming — can and do
follow wayward lines of flight, and encounter others in times and places
we cannot predict nor should we preempt.

At the same time, it is disorienting to read studies that hope to un-
derstand “our” true feelings through modes of difference or depth — es-
pecially because of my own suspicion of the long-established belief that
true feelings (including the more politically efficacious ones, such as re-
sistance) await release in internal spaces. I know too well from poststruc-
turalism and postcolonial feminist studies that the figure of the resistant
outsider (the native, the woodcutter, the person of color, the teenaged
girl, the punk) becomes the occasion, the “raw” material, for another's
speech and expertise. And, as Rey Chow has so memorably observed,
the scholar who studies the outsider, and who wishes for this other to be
“authentic,” resistant, and disruptive, is too often a desire for the non-
duped, sliding into the desire to be the non-duped, “which is a not-too-
innocent desire to seize control” — and so, I began to be more seriously
interested in what these studies about punk, and riot grrrl, did beyond
what they claimed to do.?

I became interested in the terms of time, or timing, just as Beth
Stinson and Fiona I.B. Ngo, editors of a special issue of Women &

AFTERWORD 219

Performance called “Punk Anteriors,” wrote in their initial call for pa-
pers, “Revisions to the phenomenon of punk have been circulating since
its inception. This issue seeks to capture the performance of those re-
visions, conducting a genealogical mapping of the punk movement,
scenes, music, ethics, and aesthetics utilizing queer and feminist punk
analytics. While some valuable feminist critiques of punk have surfaced
— mainly to lionize the riot grrrl movement — many uneasy questions
around race, nation, and sexuality remain unarticulated in feminist and
gender performance scholarship.” This call for papers was indeed timely,
especially with riot grrrl becoming the subject of so much retrospection
(as of this writing, there are easily a score of scholarly and popular mono-
graphs, documentaries, and exhibitions completed or in progress). This
retrospective turn, with its subsequent institutionalization of some sto-
ries about riot grrrl and not others, had been troubling me: What does
it mean (for instance) to define punk feminisms through riot grrrl with-
out a memory of other punk feminisms? What falls out when women of
color feminisms are observed to be a frequent citation in grrrl zines (bell
hooks being perhaps the most popular), but not an ongoing contestation
within the movement? That riot grrrl was about girl love, girl commu-
nity, girl empowerment, is not a bad story, or a wrong story, but there
is another, more difficult story. We know that one origin lies with musi-
cian Jean Smith who, inspired by the 1991 Mount Pleasant race riots in
Washington DC, wrote to Bratmobile band member Allison Wolfe, “We
need to start a girl riot.” But the Mount Pleasant riots erupted around
immigration, race and police brutality, and to imagine a “girl riot” in re-
sponse suggests that gender or sexuality are apart, rather than indivisible,
from these concerns.

These questions about history making pushed me to at last turn to
this past as an object of study, and to refine an argument I'd first pub-
lished in Punk Planet over a decade ago, that sought to intervene in riot
grrrl feminisms to center race as a crucial analytic, rather than a obliga-
tory descriptor (for instance, riot grrrl is often observed to be a white
and middle class phenomenon, which I argue about punk in general is
both true and false). Eventually, I wrote an essay for this special issue to
argue that how the critiques of women of color from within riot grrrl
or punk are narrated is important to how we remember feminisms, and
how we produce feminist futures. In doing so, I locate riot grrrl within
a broader critique of the historiography of feminist movement, first to
dispute the narrativization of women of color feminisms as an interrup-
tion in our reckoning with the “big picture” of feminisms, such as riot
grrrl; and then to question the progressive teleologies of origin, episode

220 PUNKADEMICS

and succession that would limit the “problem” of feminisms to its critics
(the woman of color as feminist killjoy, as Sara Ahmed put it), or to the
past (“we have learned our lessons now and hereafter”). The problem
lies in a form of periodization, which also goes for punk stories — that
is, how certain critical inquiries (whether riot grrrl, queercore, or racial
critique) are captured as belonging to a particular historical moment, as
uttered in the sentiment, “Theirs was an important intervention, and we
learned our lessons,” though we continue to live with such things as racial
liberalism or masculinist dispositions having not ended. In challenging
modes of history making, then, the question of punk anteriors insists
that the narrativization and institutionalization of the past — or some
pasts above others — absolutely informs the sensations of the present and
possible future.

As with time, we might also consider anew the question of space (as
Brian Tucker does for other ends in this collection). For instance, the
narrativization of punk as a white phenomenon is both true and false.
It is absolutely true that punk traffics in a racial hegemony built in part
on intimacy with but also distance from the racial, colonial other. Punk
music, punk looks, can trace their origins through the blackness of rock
‘vy roll and young street toughs, even as this provenance is ignored, or
disavowed; the clubs that fostered nascent scenes were often located in
neighborhoods populated by people of color, and operated by them as
well — consider Mabuhay Gardens (San Francisco), Raul’s (Austin), Ma-
dame Wong’s and the Hong Kong Club (Los Angeles) — though these
cramped quarters often led to racial tensions and sometimes riots.’ As
Daniel Traber notes in this collection, certain forms of transgression rei-
fied otherness as unproblematic scenes of authenticity, but such trans-
gressions enhanced the one who desired to be, as it were, non-duped.
This has often meant that some punk quarters refuse to admit an ongo-
ing possessive investment in whiteness, whether in claiming racist cool,
or antiracist cred. I am not romantic about punk for these reasons, and
the compilation zines I made called ...Race Riot are a testament and an
archive of just these troubling revelations. As Michelle Christine Gon-
zales wryly notes in the 2000 documentary Mas Alla de los Gritos/Beyond
the Screams: “People in the punk scene are notorious for saying ‘racism
sucks,’ but when it comes down to having friends of color, it’s cool until
they open their big mouths. There are desirable people of color and there
are undesirable people of color, and if you're too brown or too down,
then you're going to piss somebody off or make somebody uncomfort-
able.” At the same time, as non-academic and academic archivists and
historians such as Iraya Robles, Osa Atoe (Shotgun Seamstress), Martin

AFTERWORD 221

Sorrendeguy (director of Mas Alla), James Spooner (Afropunk), Jeremias
Aponte, Michelle Habell-Pallan, Beth Stinson and Fiona I.B. Ngé aptly
demonstrate, punks of color are a vital but also a discomforting presence.
These and other critics reclaim the too-often unobserved significance of
punks of color including Poly Styrene, Alice Bag, Pat Smear, the Brat’s
Teresa Covarrubias, Conflicts Karen Maeda (United States), the Nasty
Facts’ Cheri Boyze, the Go-Go's Margot Olaverria, Search & Destroy’s V.
Vale, and Maximumrocknrolls Tim Yohannon, in shaping but also strain-
ing the bounds of punk possibility. As artists and archivists, they also
otherwise pursue what might be called a multisubculturalism (a coinage
I attribute to San Francisco-based queer punk art band Sta-Prest), tra-
versing punk, hip hop and other scenes to trace their entangled and often
troubled genealogies. Such vexing intimacies trouble the usual story of
punk as a white riot, both disrupting their reverberant absence from an
archive, but also disavowing their appropriation into that archive as an
uncomplicated presence.

It also seems to me that the “truth” of punk as a white riot (to sum-
mon The Clash) actually creates the dominion it purports to describe,
especially where a denial of coevalness, in Johannes Fabian’s well-known
phrasing, erases those histories and articulations concurrent with, or in-
deed preceding, the perceived movements of punk from the West to “the
rest.” The development of Western modernity and liberal capitalism over
time, and their expansion across space, as postcolonial critics observe,
underwrites the premise of empire as the universalizing story of human
historical consciousness. Too often, punk studies replicate this histori-
cist consciousness, through which punk unfolds from an imperial center
alongside modernity and capitalism — such that anthropological accounts,
or news reportage, describe punks in the so-called Third World through
a sense of their belated arrival, their distance from “our” here and now.°
This description of the anachronistic punk reproduces, insidiously, an
imperial ontology. Of course, as Vincanne Adams and Stacy Leigh Pigg
write, “It is crucial to remember that locality is socially and historically
produced in and through a dynamic of interaction. The local is not a
space where indigenous sensibilities reside in a simple sense; global pro-
cesses undo and remake the particularism of the local as it stands in con-
trast to the seeming transcendence of the global.”’ But there is no reason
to presume that a global force must and will result in homogenization, as
Rubén Ortiz-Torres shows us in his essay, and his haunting photographs.
Elsewhere, Golnar Nikpour observes that the emergence of late “70s punk
is inextricable from the dramatic connectivities wrought by two centuries
of empire and modern capital. She offers that twinned processes of global

222 PUNKADEMICS

urbanization and proletarianization heralded the capitalist cosmopolis in
both colony and metropole. “This could explain why in 1976-78 we see
punk scenes not only in London and New York but also in Istanbul, Sao
Paolo, Tokyo, Mexico City, Stockholm, and Warsaw. If there was a punk
scene in Istanbul before there was a punk scene in say, suburban Iowa
(and there was, as far as I know), then the movement of ideas is not from
‘West’ to ‘rest’ but rather a product of a particular historical moment
in the global city, a moment that is rife with tensions not only between
colony and metropole, but also town and country.”® Such provocations
as those offered by Ortiz-Torres or Nikpour are indispensable, illumining
for us some of the troubles with not just “punk studies,” but with those
disciplines from which such studies hope to capture their elusive objects.
That is, rather than presume a priori that punk is a white riot, or an
import that comes intact from an imperial center, we might instead pur-
sue — or indeed acknowledge that scholars in these other places but also
punks themselves are already theorizing these questions — more empirical
(for the social scientists among us) and nuanced inquiries about multiple
racial, global projects that crisscross each other in webs of connectivity
and exchange.

For these reasons, and for others still unfolding, the stories we tell
about punk do matter. And as Furness also observes so well, these stories
about punk are never just about punk. Such stories are about feminist
historiography, and about imperial fictions that circulate as truths, as
well. The archive is a political and cultural meaning making machine
for the passage of objects into what Foucault calls knowledge’s field of
control and power’s sphere of intervention, and for “minor” objects in
particular, we know well how troublesome such a passage might be. It
is as such that the figure of the punk as on the outside, but nonetheless
elevated in academic studies to a second-order of signification through a
series of appropriations into an existing interior — that is to say, the story
we already “know” — might troublingly replicate the spatial arrangement
of the globe wherein progress and punk spreads out from an imperial
center, or that “tame” or contain the rupture or revolution to a moment
in an otherwise continuous history. Without arguing that “punkadem-
ics” are the future — and here I absolutely include non-institutional his-
torians, archivists, and theorists in the designation — at least it might to
said that it is through some of their alternative or anterior genealogies
of queer and feminist theories and movements, postcolonial and anti-
imperial critiques, and mappings of intimacies and antagonisms between
people of color and punks, that we can imagine punk otherwise.

AFTERWORD 223

NOTES
Donate to support the record archive and the ongoing publication of
Maximumrocknroll. See details at http://www.maximumrocknroll.com.
It can be noted, as Fiona I.B. Ngé does, that the disciplining of “punk
studies” might also offer forms of personal legitimacy and academic capi-
tal for (former) punks. Personal correspondence, December 29", 2011.
Rey Chow, 1993, Writing Diaspora: Tactics of Intervention in Contempo-
rary Cultural Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press), 53.
Sara Ahmed, 2010, The Promise of Happiness (Durham: Duke University
Press), 68; Mimi Thi Nguyen, Summer 2012 (forthcoming), “Riot Grrrl,
Race, Revival,” in a special issue “Punk Anteriors” of Women and Perfor-
mance edited by Beth Stinson and Fiona I.B. Ng6.
I thank Iraya Robles, Jeremias Aponte, James Spooner, and Fiona I.B.
Ngé for conversations about these concerns.
Here I thank Golnar Nikpour, Mariam Bastani, and Jeremias Aponte for
their insights.
Stacy Leigh Pigg and Vincanne Adams, 2005, “Introduction: The Moral
Object of Sex,” in Sex in Development: Science, Sexuality, and Morality
in Global Perspective, edited by Vincanne Adams and Stacy Leigh Pigg
(Durham: Duke University Press), 11.
Golnar Nikpour, personal correspondence, 27 December 2011. See also
Nikpour’s review of White Riot: Punk and the Politics of Race, edited by
Stephen Duncombe and Maxwell Tremblay, in Maximumrocknroll #345,
February 2012.

AUTHOR BIOS

MILO J. AUKERMAN is a biochemist at DuPont, where he special-
izes in crop genetics research focused on the genus Arabidopsis. He is
also the lead singer for the Descendents, in which he specializes in songs
about coffee, love and rejection. Dr. Aukerman has appeared on dozens
of records since the early 1980s and co-authored numerous articles in
scientific journals. He is the only contributor to Punkademics who has a
limited edition, collectible bobblehead toy designed in his likeness.

MARIA ELENA BUSZEK, PH.D. isa scholar, critic, curator, and Associ-
ate Professor of Art History at the University of Colorado Denver, where
she teaches courses on Modern and contemporary art. Her recent pub-
lications include the books Pin-Up Grrrls: Feminism, Sexuality, Popular
Culture and Extra/ordinary: Craft and Contemporary Art; contributions to
the anthologies /¢s Time for Action (Theres No Option): About Feminism;
Blaze: Discourse on Art, Women, and Feminism; and Contemporary Artists;
catalogue essays for numerous national and international exhibitions;
and articles and criticism in such journals as Art in America, Photography
Quarterly, and TDR: The Journal of Performance Studies. She has also been
a regular contributor to the popular feminist zine BUST since 1999. Dr.
Buszek’s first concert was Huey Lewis and The News. Her second was the
Descendents. From 1988-1994 she worked at record stores in Omaha,
Nebraska, as well as at Omaha’s much-loved, sadly-departed pirate radio
station, KRCK.

ZACK FURNESS saw his first punk show — Split Lip and Planet Earth —
in the cafeteria of an Indianapolis high school when he was 14. In addition
to moshing for the first time, seeing a fistfight between two skinhead girls,
and having someone in a band actually talk to him outside the show (un-
thinkable with his then musical heroes of Metallica and Danzig), he also
received a high speed tutorial on SHARP vs. Nazi skins, something called

226 PUNKADEMICS

‘straight edge, and a group of folks called ‘vegans’ who were described to
him (by someone only slightly less young and naive) as “people who don’t
drink milk or eat cheese.” Zack didn’t know what that meant, but he knew
that Split Lip was pissed off. And the music was amazing. Since that time,
he played in various punk bands over a 14-year span, got a PhD, and
now works as Assistant Professor of Cultural Studies at Columbia College
Chicago. He is the author of One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Au-
tomobility (Temple University Press, 2010), the co-editor of a forthcoming
collection of critical/cultural essays on the NFL (Temple University Press),
and a member of the Bad Subjects Production Team. His writing has also
appeared in several books, journals, and magazines such as Punk Planet and
Bitch. Most importantly, he is a teacher.

ALASTAIR ‘GORDS’ GORDON likes all things DiY punk rock and
always knew he was out of step with the world. He became a ‘punka-
demic’ via an early, total rejection of formal schooling and its traditional
teaching methods. His ‘extracurricular’ education germinated through
listening to Discharge, Crass, and anarcho-punk records, peer discussion
and a love of reading anarchist theory from an early age. This interest was
eventually channelled into playing in stupidly insignificant punk rock
bands in the mid-80s. Eventually, the limitations of the musical world
and a government ‘push’ to get countercultural malingerers off unem-
ployment benefit statistics led to a (free) University education. Gords
currently vents anger at the world singing, touring and recording with
the band Geriatric Unit, and playing bass in Endless Grinning Skulls. To
date he has played on more than a few punk records: you win no prize
if you find them all. Gords’ passion as a ‘punkademic’ is informed by a
healthy desire to seed dissent towards all forms of neoliberal capitalism.
His scholarly passion is for ethnography and critical theory and he is
currently working up a sweat writing his ‘Dr. Punk’ thesis for publica-
tion. He is currently a Senior Lecturer in Media and Communication
and member of the Media Discourse Group at De Montfort University,
Leicester.

ROSS HAENFLER is an Associate Professor of Sociology at the Uni-
versity of Mississippi. He is the author of Straight Edge: Clean Living
Youth, Hardcore Punk, and Social Change and Goths, Gamers, and Grrrls:
Deviance and Youth Subcultures, and co-author of The Better World Hand-
book: Small Changes That Make a Big Difference, an action-oriented
guide to creating a more just and sustainable world. He appeared in the
documentary Edge: Perspectives on a Drug Free Culture and the National

AUTHOR BIOS 227

Geographic channel’s Inside Straight Edge. An award-winning teacher,
Ross’ courses include social movements, youth subcultures, men and
masculinities, and political sociology. Pictures from his youth reveal too
many Metallica t-shirts, a series of mullets, and a bleach splattered denim
jacket with an Iron Maiden “Killers” back patch. Ross lives in Oxford,
MS with his partner, Jennifer, and daughter, River.

CURRY MALOTT is Assistant Professor of Professional and Secondary
Education at West Chester University. An unabashed Marxist, Curry is
interested in advancing theoretical and practical applications of critical
pedagogy just about everywhere. He is the author and editor of numer-
ous books, including Critical Pedagogy in the 21st Century: A New Gen-
eration of Scholars (IAP, forthcoming), co-edited with Bradley Porfilio;
Policy and Research in Education: A Critical Pedagogy for Educational
Leadership (2010, Peter Lang); Teaching Native America Across the Curric-
ulum: A Critical Inquiry (2009, Peter Lang) with Chairwoman Lisa Wau-
kau and Lauren Waukau-Villagomez; A Call to Action: An Introduction to
Education, Philosophy, and Native North America (2008, Peter Lang); and
Punk Rockers Revolution: A Pedagogy of Race, Class, and Gender (2004,
Peter Lang) with Milagros Pefia. Curry is the main organizer of the 2011
Critical Theories In the Twenty First Century conference at West Chester
University of Pennsylvania (http://Ct21st.org).

DYLAN AT MINER was raised in rural Michigan and spends his time
traversing the contested and colonial borders of North America. An art-
ist, activist, and historian, his writing has appeared in numerous journals,
books, edited volumes, and encyclopedias. A middle-aged hardcore kid,
Dylan is not ashamed that the first two zines he published were named
Skagboy and Fukboy, respectively. Although now a long hair, he still
has a large tattoo of the word REGRET on his head thanks to the life-
changing Unbroken album. Still freegan, straight edge, and anarchist, he
teaches at Michigan State University.

RYAN MOORE is Associate Professor of Sociology at Florida Atlantic
University and the author of Sells Like Teen Spirit: Music, Youth Cul-
ture, and Social Crisis (NYU Press, 2010). He has also written for The
Chronicle of Higher Education, including the essay “Is Punk the New
Jazz?” Before securing his current position, he was as a vagabond instruc-
tor in academia’s reserve labor army, teaching thousands of undergradu-
ates at UC San Diego, the University of Kansas, and Colgate University.
As a graduate student he was involved with the successful campaign to

228 PUNKADEMICS

unionize academic student employees at the University of California,
and he currently serves as Second Vice President of the FAU chapter of
the United Faculty of Florida.

TAVIA NYONG’O teaches performance studies, critical race studies, and
queer studies at New York University. He is working on a book about the
intersections of punk and queer in the 1970s.

MIMI THI NGUYEN is Assistant Professor of Gender and Women’s
Studies and Asian American Studies at the University of Illinois, Urbana-
Champaign. Her first book, called The Gift of Freedom: War, Debt, and
Other Refugee Passages, focuses on the promise of “giving” freedom con-
current and contingent with waging war and its afterlife (Duke Univer-
sity Press, 2012). She is also co-editor with Fiona I.B. Ngo and Mariam
Lam of a special issue of positions: east asia cultures critique on Southeast
Asians in diaspora (2012), and co-editor with Thuy Linh Nguyen Tu of
Alien Encounters: Pop Culture in Asian America (Duke University Press,
2007). She further publishes on queer subcultures, punk feminisms, and
the politics of beauty. Nguyen has also published zines since 1991, in-
cluding the compilation zine ...Race Riot. She is a former Punk Planet
columnist and a Maximumrocknroll shitworker, and co-author of the re-

search blog on dress and beauty threadbared.

ALAN O’CONNOR was one of the founders of Who’s Emma, a volun-
teer-run punk space in Toronto in the 1990s. He is currently Director
of the PhD Program in Cultural Studies at Trent University, in Canada.
His new book is on the underground music and theatre scenes in a small
Ontario city.

WALEED RASHIDI’s first album purchase was in the first grade: a five-
dollar LP titled “Chipmunk Punk.” A Los Angeles-area native, he is an
adjunct Communications instructor at California State University Ful-
lerton and Citrus College. He has interviewed several hundred music
artists as a freelance journalist for a variety of regional and national pub-
lications. Rashidi has also performed in numerous rock, jazz and punk
bands over the past couple of decades, racking up endless interstate miles
via DIY van tours, playing in dozens of states. And he still spins his
“Chipmunk Punk” LP on rare occasions.

HELEN L. REDDINGTON was an accidental musician, being co-opted
to play bass in Brighton’s notorious Joby and the Hooligans in 1977

AUTHOR BIOS 229

before leaving to form The Chefs, who recorded three sessions for BBC’s
Radio One (two for John Peel) and later, Helen and the Horns, a four-
piece featuring Helen on Vocals/Guitar and sax, trumpet and trombone,
both under the pseudonym Helen McCookerybook. An accidental ca-
reer as an academic followed, with a lecturing post on the University of
Westminster’s pioneering Commercial Music course; this is where she
completed her doctorate, which developed into her book The Lost Women
of Rock Music: Female Musicians of the Punk Era (revised/ reprinted in pa-
perback by Equinox, October 2011). Compilation, The Best of the Chefs,
appeared in November 2011 on the label Damaged Goods.

STEVPHEN SHUKAITIS is Lecturer at the University of Essex, author
of Imaginal Machines: Autonomy & Self-Organization in the Revolutions of
Everyday Life (Autonomedia, 2009), and co-editor (with David Graeber
and Erika Biddle) of Constituent Imagination: Militant Investigation/Col-
lective Theorization (AK Press, 2007).

MICHAEL SICILIANO is both a good-for-nothing punk and a bit of an
academic. From 2001-2007 he was an active member at the coopera-
tively run DIY show space called the Mr. Roboto Project in Pittsburgh,
PA. He has played in punk and hardcore bands for over a decade, most
recently playing bass in the Chicago band, Birth. He completed an MA
in the Social Sciences in 2010 at the University of Chicago and is cur-
rently a PhD student in Sociology at UCLA.

RUBEN ORTIZ-TORRES was born in Mexico City in 1964. Edu-
cated within the utopian models of republican Spanish anarchism, he
soon confronted the tragedies and cultural clashes of the post-colonial
third world. After giving up the dream of playing baseball in the major
leagues he decided to study art. He went first to the oldest and one of the
most academic art schools of the Americas (the Academy of San Carlos
in Mexico City) and later to one of the newest and more experimental
(CalArts in Valencia, CA). After enduring Mexico City’s earthquake and
pollution he moved to LA with a Fulbright grant, only to survive riots,
fires, floods, more earthquakes, and Proposition 187. During all this he
has been able to produce artwork in the form of paintings, photographs,
objects, installations, videos and films. He is part of the permanent Fac-
ulty of the University of California in San Diego and his work is featured
in the collections of The Museum of Modern Art in New York, the Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte
Reina Sofia, in Madrid Spain, and others.

230 PUNKADEMICS

ESTRELLA TORREZ’s work centers on language politics and migrant
farm worker education. Having worked in the fields, Estrella attended
migrant summer programs as a child and has worked as a migrant educa-
tor, including research for the Office of Migrant Education. This Mid-
west Xicana has taken an active role in multiple Latina/o and American
Indian organizations, ranging from working within grassroots organi-
zations to establishing graduate mentorship programs at the university
level. She has a BS in Elementary Education from Western Michigan
and an MA in Early Childhood Multicultural Education and Bilingual
Education from New Mexico, and she recently completed her doctoral
dissertation in Educational Thought and Sociocultural Studies with a
concentration in Bilingual Education, also from New Mexico. Presently,
Estrella is an Assistant Professor at Michigan State University’s Residen-
tial College in the Arts and Humanities, as well as core faculty in the
Chicano/Latino Studies Program, the Center for Gender in Global Con-
text and the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies.

DANIEL S. TRABER is Associate Professor of American Literature and
Popular Culture at Texas A8&¢M University at Galveston. He is the author
of Whiteness, Otherness, and the Individualism Paradox from Huck to Punk
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2007) and currently finishing a manuscript on cul-
turcide and non-identity that will include his article on punk preppies

published in The Journal of Popular Culture.

BRIAN TUCKER is a working on his PhD in Political Science at Univer-
sity of Massachusetts, Amherst.

MINOR COMPOSITIONS

OTHER TITLES IN THE SERIES:

Precarious Rhapsody — Franco “Bifo” Berardi

Imaginal Machines — Stevphen Shukaitis

New Lines of Alliance, New Spaces of Liberty — Felix Guattari and
Antonio Negri

The Occupation Cookbook

User's Guide to Demanding the Impossible — Laboratory of Insur-
rectionary Imagination

Spectacular Capitalism — Richard Gilman-Opalsky

Markets Not Capitalism — Ed. Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson

Revolutions in Reverse — David Graeber

Undressing the Academy — University for Strategic Optimism

Communization & its Discontents — Ed. Benjamin Noys

19 & 20 — Colectivo Situaciones

El Martillo — Eclectic Electric Collective

Occupy everything! Reflections on ‘why its kicking off everywhere — Ed.
Alessio Lunghi and Seth Wheeler

FORTHCOMING:

A Very Careful Strike — Precarias a la Deriva

Open Utopia — Thomas More & Stephen Duncombe

Art, Production and Social Movement — Ed. Gavin Grindon

Hypothesis 891 — Colectivo Situaciones

Artpolitik: Social Anarchist Aesthetics in an Age of Fragmentation —
Neala Schleuning

Winds from Below & Other Interventions — Team Colors
Communists Must Write! — John Hutnyk

As well as a multitude to come...